Indexed OCR Text

Ahmad ibn Hanbal
that it was a blessing from Allah that the shaykh's presence in Makka had
saved them from a lengthy journey of two months at great hardship and
expense, Ahmad refused to listen to hadith from 'Abd al-Razzaq without hav-
ing undertaken the journey to Sana'a. He said, "I would be ashamed before
Allah if I break the journey undertaken with the intention of learning hadith.
I will go to Sana'a and attend the shaykh's lectures there." After the hajj was
over, he journeyed to Sana'a and listened to the hadiths handed down through
Zuhrī and Ibn al-Musayyab from 'Abd al-Razzaq.1
In due time, Ahmad ibn Hanbal acquired a high reputation for his pro-
found knowledge, particularly his scholarship with respect to the precepts,
actions, and sayings of the Messenger , of which he could relate over a
million. Despite his vast knowledge and prodigious memory, he had a high
regard for Shafi'i's intelligence, grasp, and deductive method of reasoning.
He used to say of Shafi', "I have not seen anyone like him." Ahmad learned
the rules of jurisprudence from Shafi'i and later developed his own doctrine
of uncompromising adherence to the text of the hadiths as a source of law.
Ultimately, he rose to be an eminent theologian and jurist, and the founder
of one of the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence, which still has adherents
in many parts of the Islamic world. Shafi'i, too, held Ahmad ibn Hanbal in
high regard. Upon leaving Baghdad, Shäfi'i remarked, "I am leaving Baghdad
when there is no jurist more pious or greater than Ahmad ibn Hanbal."2
Ahmad ibn Hanbal began his discourses on hadith in approximately
204/819, at age forty. Perhaps this was ordained by Allah as an echo of the
Messenger's call to Islam, since he
was graced with prophecy at the same
age.3 Ahmad's lectures were quite popular and widely attended. Historians
report that five thousand or more persons attended his lectures, out of which
about five hundred used to take down his discourses. People listened to
Ahmad ibn Hanbal in pin-drop silence, for nobody would dare talk or do
anything unseemly, out of respect for the hadith.
The poor were given preference over the rich in his lectures. Dhahabi
quotes the following from Abu Bakr al-Marrūdhi (d. 275/888), a contemporary
(and student) of Ahmad ibn Hanbal:
I have not seen the poor and lowly shown more deference anywhere than in
the lectures of Abu 'Abdillah [Ahmad ibn Hanbal], who used to be attentive to
1
Ibn Kathir, Al-Bidaya wa 'I-Nihāya, 10:326-27; Manāqib al-Imam Ahmad, 69-70.
2
Tarjamat al-Imām, 16.
3
Abū Zahra, Ibn Hanbal, 33.
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the poor and indifferent to the affluent. He was a man of ample forbearance,
and never hasty; he displayed great humility and tranquility, and sublimity
hovered over him. After 'asr prayer, he used to arrive for his gatherings in
which legal rulings were offered, but would remain silent until he was asked.1
Ahmad ibn Hanbal was extremely simple in his habits and led an almost
ascetic life like the saints of the past. He never accepted any gift or present
offered by caliphs or nobles. If his sons ever asked why he refused these
presents, he explained that the offerings were perfectly lawful and that even
hajj could be performed from such money. He refused to accept these gifts
not because they were prohibited, but because prudence dictated so. He
managed to meet his expenses from the income of his family inheritance
or from his own earnings, but despite being financially hard-pressed he was
big-hearted and generous. He often said that if the entire world became a
morsel in the hands of any Muslim who fed another Muslim with it, such
would not be extravagance.
He was not only charitable with wealth, but exhibited the same virtue even
where his own person was concerned. Once a man abused and denounced
him but soon came back to repent and offer his apology. Ahmad replied that
he had already forgiven the man before leaving the place of the incident. After
enduring torture for his stance on the eternality of the Qur'an, he forgave all
who had a hand in his suffering, including the caliph, under whose orders
he had been brutally flogged. He used to say, "I cannot pardon the innovator
in religion, but aside from him, everyone who took part in my victimization
has been pardoned by me." Often he said, "What advantage would anyone
derive if a Muslim were scourged in Hellfire because of me?"
An incident illustrating the overflowing charity and good-natured disposi-
tion of Ahmad ibn Hanbal has been related by Ahmad al-Qattan al-Baghdadi.
He says that long after the wounds inflicted by the flogging had healed, Ahmad
ibn Hanbal often suffered a shooting pain in his back caused by a growth
which developed as a result of the severe whipping. The physician who had
treated Ahmad ibn Hanbal told Baghdadi that when he pressed the spot
where Ahmad had pain, he simply said, "I seek the refuge of Allah from it."
Similarly, when the physician opened the spot to remove the wound, Ahmad
continued to seek forgiveness for Mu'tasim till the operation was over. After
dressing the wound the physician asked Ahmad ibn Hanbal, "Abū 'Abdillah,
when people have to face a calamity on someone else's account, they normally"
1 Tarjamat al-Imām, 35; Ișbahānī, Hilyat al-Awliya', 9:165.
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Ahmad ibn Hanbal
curse the tormenter, but you were invoking divine blessings for Mu'tasim?"
"I too thought of it," replied Ahmad, "but Mu'tasim is a descendant of the
Prophet's uncle, and I do not cherish the thought of a feud with one of the
relatives of the Prophet
when I face him on the Day of Judgment. So I
decided to forgo my claim against him."'
Despite his high reputation and profound knowledge, he was never heard
to utter a word of self-praise. One of his colleagues, Yahya ibn Ma'în, said,
"I have not seen a man like Ahmad. I had been associated with him for fifty
years, but he never showed off his erudition."2
Out of modesty Ahmad never liked to mention his lineage, even though
he descended from a celebrated Arab tribe, something that was considered
a great honor in those days. Dhahabi records an incident, related by one of
Ahmad's compatriots, that throws light on his remarkable humility: 'Arim
Abū Nu'man says, "Ahmad ibn Hanbal had asked me to keep safe some
funds from which he would withdraw sums according to his needs. Once I
said, 'Abū 'Abdillah, I know you are an Arab.' To this he replied, 'What? We
are destitute.' I insisted on a reply but he evaded the answer.3
After the persecution Ahmad ibn Hanbal had to undergo for his stand on
the question of the createdness of the Qur'an, he obtained so high a reputa-
tion for his piety that countless people offered prayers for divine blessings on
him. Ahmad ibn Hanbal, however, felt terribly worried and uncertain. Once
Marrūdhī told him, "A large number of people solemnly pray for you." "How
do you say so?" Ahmad exclaimed; "I actually fear that this is just delusion."
Marrudhī replied, "A man has come from Tarsus who says that he was pres-
ent on a battlefield in Byzantine lands, when suddenly in the pitch dark of
night, he heard cries raised at every turn and from every quarter imploring
for supplication in your favor. He further relates that the soldiers fired the
ballista on your behalf; and once it so happened, that when a ballista head
was thus fired, the missile hit an enemy taking position behind a cover on
the wall of the fort, cleanly blowing away both the cover and the head of the
enemy." Horrified on hearing this, Ahmad exclaimed, "O Allah, let this not
be a deluding favor from You."4
Very often non-Muslims came to meet him from distant places. A Christian
physician once visited him in connection with his treatment. He said, "I have
1 Ibn Hibban, Rawdat al-'Uqalā', 156-57.
2
Hilyat al-Awliya', 9:181.
3 Tarjamat al-Imām, 22.
4 Ibid., 21.
83

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
wanted to meet you for a long time. You are a blessing not for the Muslims
alone but for all people. All of our friends and co-religionists have similar
feelings for you." When the physician had left, Marrudhi said, "I hope that
the entire Muslim world shall beseech divine blessings for you." Ahmad,
however, replied, "When a man happens to know his worth, then regardless
of what anyone says, nothing can delude him."}
His profound humility notwithstanding, Ahmad ibn Hanbal was endowed
with a personality so solemn and impressive that even state officials, adminis-
trators, and soldiers felt overawed in his presence and could not help paying
him due respect. An eyewitness reports that he had been to the governor of
Baghdad, Ishaq ibn Ibrahim, and several other high-ranking officials, but
did not find anyone so commanding as Ahmad ibn Hanbal. He says that he
wanted to seek certain clarifications from Ahmad, but found himself in a
flutter: the blood knocking in his temples, he was unable to speak in Ahmad's
presence. The reputed hadith scholar Ibrahim al-Harbī (d. 285/898) says:
I have seen Ahmad ibn Hanbal. It seemed as if his heart was a repository of
all the knowledge vouchsafed to human beings, past and present; he brought
forth whatever he wanted and held back what he did not desire to divulge.2
Ahmad ibn Hanbal led a life so simple and frugal that it was envied even
by the ascetics. The reign of the first three Abbasid sovereigns of his time,
Ma'mun, Mu'tasim , and Wathiq, constituted a trial for Ahmad, since each
of these men was bent on putting him to harm. Wathiq was succeeded in
232/846 by Mutawakkil, who held Ahmad in high esteem, but Ahmad was
far more wary of Mutawakkil because he took the favors of the caliph as a
temptation to evil. He often said that he was able to withstand the suffer-
ings inflicted by the earlier caliphs, but in his old age, he had to face a trial
far severer. However, the respect and deference and the favors and gifts of
Mutawakkil could not make inroads into the contentment and resignation
of Ahmad, just as the threats and suffering at the hands of earlier caliphs
had failed to deter him from the path enjoined by the Sunna of the Prophet.
Once, Mutawakkil sent Ahmad a donkey's load of gold pieces, but he
refused to accept them. The man who had brought the present insisted he
accept the money and implored that the caliph could take offence if the
present was refused. At last Ahmad consented to letting the bag be placed
1 Ibid., 21-22.
2 Ibid., 16; Manāqib al-Imām Ahmad, 15.
84

Ahmad ibn Hanbal
in a corner. Ahmad, however, called on his uncle late in the night and asked
his advice as to what he should do with the money. He deeply regretted that
he had accepted the present and could not sleep on account of it. His uncle
advised him to wait at least until daybreak and then to dispose it of in the
manner he liked best. Early the next morning, Ahmad collected his trusted
disciples and associates and asked them to prepare a list of righteous persons
that were not well-known. He distributed the entire sum and then gave the
bag to a destitute man.1
On another occasion, Ahmad ibn Hanbal spent a few days as a royal guest
on the insistence of Caliph Mutawakkil. During this period he was served
sumptuous dishes, which were estimated to cost 120 dirhams per day. Ahmad,
however, did not touch the food and kept fasting continuously for eight days.
He grew very weak, and it is reported that if the caliph had not sent him home
soon thereafter, he would have probably died.2 'Abdullah, Ahmad's son, says
that his father remained with the caliph for sixteen days. During this period
he took only a little parched grain reduced into paste.
Mutawakkil had sanctioned stipends for the sons of Ahmad. One of
his sons reports that prior to their receiving these stipends from the caliph,
Ahmad had no objection to accepting anything from his sons, but he com-
pletely discontinued the practice thereafter. Once, when Ahmad was ill, a
physician prescribed him water extracted from a parched pumpkin. Ahmad
was advised by someone to have the pumpkin parched in the oven of his
son Salih, which happened to be burning at the time, but Ahmad refused.3
Although he was extremely cautious with regard to his own self, he still felt
uneasy about the stipends received by his sons, and ultimately told Salih, "I
want that you should forsake the allowance, for you are getting it on account
of me."
Ahmad fell seriously ill at age seventy-seven. The number of people who
came to see him every day was so large, according to the chroniclers of his
time, that all the streets of the bazaar near his house were overcrowded, and
police had to be stationed there to control the traffic.4 Ahmad was suffering
from blood in the urine (hematuria), and the reason for his illness given by
physicians was that grief and anxiety had produced an ulcer in his stomach.5
1
Tarjamat al-Imām, 60,
2 Ibid., 61.
3 Ibid., 63-64.
+
Ibid., 77.
5 Ibid., 77.
85

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
Marrūdhī says that Ahmad's condition deteriorated on a Thursday. Although
he was in unbearable pain, Ahmad asked Marrūdhi to help him perform the
ablution. He was so particular about his ablution that he instructed Marrūdhi
to pass his fingers between his toes. On the evening of Friday, Ahmad's ill-
ness grew still worse and he died the next day, Friday 12 Rabi" al-Awwal 241
(31 July 855).1
Dispute over the Createdness of the Qur'an
Caliph Ma'mun applied himself vigorously to the task of spreading the
Mu'tazilī doctrine about the nature of the Qur'an, which held that it was
the created, rather than eternal, word of Allah. In Ma'mun's judgment, any
deviation from this doctrine was worse than treason. Therefore, in 218/833 he
issued a detailed mandate to the governor of Baghdad severely criticizing the
populace, particularly the hadith scholars. He described them as noisy and
turbulent sectarians lacking true faith, unreliable witnesses and reactionar-
ies of the Umma. He ordered all officials dismissed who did not subscribe
to the tenets he upheld regarding the Qur'an.2 The royal edict came four
months before Ma'mun's death. Copies were dispatched to the governors of
all provinces, who were instructed to summon the leading scholars and jurists
under the employ of the state in order to test them in the fundamentals of the
doctrine. Those who did not accept the Mu tazili view were to be dismissed.
Thereafter, Ma'mun issued another order to the governor of Baghdad
asking him to present before him seven reputed hadith scholars of the city
who were opposed to the doctrine.3 When they came, Ma'mun questioned
them about their beliefs regarding the createdness of the Qur'an. Each of
them, either out of conviction or expediency, expressed agreement with the
caliph's views or was allowed to return home. They were also asked to profess
their views in public meetings convened for this purpose, but the masses
remained unmoved and held fast to the orthodox view.
A few days before his death, Ma'mun issued a third edict to Ishaq ibn
Ibrahim (governor of Baghdad), expounding his doctrine in still greater
detail and enlarging its scope to test all the scholars of religion along with
the officials of the state. He made it compulsory for everyone to subscribe
to the tenets of the Mu tazili ideology. Ishaq convened a meeting of all the
1
Ibid., 76; Bukhārī, Al-Tārīkh al-Kabir, 2:6; Al-Tārīkh al-Şaghir, 244.
2 Țabarī, Tārīkh al-Umam, 10:284-93; Ibn Țayfūr, Kitāb Baghdad, 181-86.
3 Kitab Baghdad 183.
86

Ahmad ibn Hanbal
reputed scholars, asked their views about the state doctrine, and reported
their answers back to the caliph. Ma'mun fell into tantrums on reading
Ishaq's letter of reply. He ordered that the persons reported by Ishaq, Bishr
ibn al-Walid and Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdī, be executed, and that the rest, those
who still held fast to their views, be sent to him in chains.
Now only four of the remaining thirty scholars, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Hasan
ibn Hammād al-Sajjāda, 'Ubaydullah ibn 'Umar al-Qawārīrī, and Muhammad
ibn Nuh, remained adamant about their beliefs and were thrown in prison.
Sajjada went back on his stance the next day and Qawarīrī on the third. Only
Ahmad ibn Hanbal and Muhammad ibn Nuh upheld their views and were
sent to be presented before the caliph in Tarsus. Along with these two were
nineteen other learned individuals who had refused to accept the Qur'an
as created. By the time the prisoners reached Raqqa, Ma'mun had died and
they were sent back to the governor of Baghdad. Muhammad ibn Nuh died
on the way, and Ahmad and the other prisoners were taken back to Baghdad.
A few days before his death, Ma'mun nominated his brother Abū
Muhammad, who took the title Al-Mu'tasim bi-'Llah, as successor to the
caliphate. He was instructed to follow faithfully in the footsteps of his prede-
cessor, especially in the controversy relating to the nature and creation of the
Qur'an, and also to retain Ibn Abī Dawūd as chief justice and his principal
adviser. Mu'tasim vigorously pursued the policy laid down for his guidance
by his predecessor.
Calamity Befalls Ahmad
Now, the responsibility of defending the orthodox view and opposing the
Mu'tazilī heresy about the Qur'an fell to Ahmad ibn Hanbal, a man held in
high esteem for his profound knowledge of hadith and looked upon as a
trustee of the true faith as enjoined by the Qur'an and the Sunna.
When Ahmad arrived at Baghdad from Raqqa, he wore four iron shackles
on his legs. He was cross-examined for four days but would not recant his
views. On the fourth day, Ahmad was brought before the governor, who
implored him to accept the doctrine of the Mu'tazilis. He told Ahmad that
the caliph had taken a vow that he would not execute him but would instead
have him most severely beaten and confined in a dungeon where the sun never
rose. But Ahmad did not yield and was ultimately brought before Mu'taşim.
The caliph ordered Ahmad be given twenty-eight lashes. A fresh executioner
was brought after every two strokes, but still after each stroke, Ahmad said,
"Bring something to me from the Qur'an or the Sunna for me to accept it."
87

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
Ahmad's Account of His Sufferings
Ahmad ibn Hanbal has given a personal account of his sufferings:
When I reached the place known as the Bustan Gate, a horse was brought
before me and I was told to get on. Nobody helped me mount the horse, and
with heavy chains fastened to my legs, I had to make many attempts. I barely
managed somehow to save myself from falling down on my face in these
attempts. When I reached Mu'tasim's palace, I was thrown in a small room
which was bolted shut. There was no lamp in the room, and in the middle of
the night, when I stretched my hands to touch the dust for purification before
the prayers I intended to offer, I found a tumbler full of water and a basin.
I performed ablution and offered the prayers. On the next day a page took
me before the caliph. The chief justice, Ibn Abi Dawud, and a number of his
courtiers, along with Abū 'Abd al-Rahman al-Shafi'ī, were present there. Just
before I was brought before the caliph, two persons were beheaded. I asked
Abū Abd al-Rahman al-Shafi'ī if he remembered what Imam Shafi ī had said
about tayammum.1 On this Ibn Abī Dawud remarked, "Look here! This man
is about to be beheaded and he is making legal inquiries." In the meantime,
Mu'tasim asked me to come forward. I reached quite close to him and he
told me to sit down. I was very tired because of the heavy chains on my body.
After I had taken rest for a while I requested of the caliph permission to
ask something. The caliph granted me permission to pose the question, so I
asked, "I want to know, what was it to which the Prophet of Allah summoned
us?" The caliph was silent a few seconds and then replied, "To bear witness
that there is no god save Allah." "I bear witness to this," I said, and continued,
"Your great-grandfather, Ibn 'Abbas, has narrated that when the deputation of
'Abd al-Qays2 came to the Prophet , they enquired about the contents of the
faith. The Prophet
asked, "Do you know its reality?" They replied, "Verily,
Allah and His Prophet know best." Thereafter the Prophet
explained, "It
consists of bearing witness that there is no god save Allah and that Muhammad
is His Messenger, offering prayers, giving of alms, and remitting one-fifth of
the spoils of war to the state." "I would not have interfered with you if my
predecessor had not laid his hands on you," said the caliph. Then, turning to
'Abd al-Rahman ibn Ishaq, he remarked, "Didn't I order you to give up this
affair?" I said, "Allah is Great! It is a blessing unto the Muslims."
Ritual purification with dust in place of water for offering prayers when water is not avail-
1
able or is harmful for one's health.
2 An Arab tribe.
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Ahmad ibn Hanbal
The caliph then asked the scholars, including 'Abd al-Rahman, to join
in debate with me. . . . [Imam Ahmad recounted the details of the debate at
this point.] .... I answered the questions of all, one by one, until Mu'tasim
exclaimed, "Ahmad! Allah may have mercy on you. Think again of what you
say." To this I answered, "O Leader of the Faithful, show me something in the
Qur'an or the Sunna and I will accept what you say." Often he remarked, "If
he could simply say yes to me, I would set him free with my own hands and
then call upon him with my nobles and army chiefs."
Once he intervened to say, "Ahmad, I feel compassion for you and love
you as much as my own son, Harun. What do you say?" My reply to all such
entreaties was, "I will accept if you can bring forth something from the Book
of Allah or the Sunna of the Prophet ." At last the caliph got tired and called
off the session. I was sent back to the room of my confinement. The next
day the debate went on till late in the afternoon, when the caliph ordered to
suspend the debate again.
On the third day, I asked for a cord to fasten my chains, for I had a
premonition that something would happen on that day. I also fastened my
trousers securely lest I should become unclothed in the hour of crisis. When
I arrived at the court, I found the dignitaries of the empire ranged on the
right and left of the caliph's seat, hundreds of men in splendid uniforms, some
with drawn swords and others with whips standing round the caliph. But a
number of religious scholars present on the previous two days were absent.
When I reached near Mu'tasim, he ordered me to sit down and to contend
with the people present there. I answered the questions they asked till it got
late and I was taken aside. The caliph said something to them, who left the
court, and I was again brought before Mu'tasim. He said, "Ahmad, may Allah
have mercy on you. Accept what I say and I will set you free with my own
hands."1 I gave the earlier answer, to which he now grew angry and ordered,
"Take hold of his arms and dislocate them." After this, Mu'tasim sat down on
a chair near me and called the executioners. Each man gave me two lashes
while the caliph bade them give a harder stripe. After I took nineteen lashes,
Mu'tasim addressed me again and said, "Ahmad, why do you want to get rid
of your life? Allah knows that I have a great regard for you."
One general, 'Ujayf [ibn 'Anbasa] struck me with the hilt of his sword and
exclaimed, "You want to overcome them all." Another man remarked, "Don't
1 The historians of the time report that Mu tasim wanted to set Ahmad free, but Ibn Abi
Dawud exhorted him and said that if the Caliph forgave Ahmad, his action would be construed
as going back on the policy laid down by his brother.
89

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
you see that the caliph is standing before you?" A third exclaimed, "Leader of
the Faithful, you are fasting and standing in the sun." Mu'tasim repeatedly
beseeched me to acknowledge his doctrine, but each time I repeated my
earlier reply, at which he flared up and ordered me scourged harder till I fell
unconscious. When I came to, I found that I had been unchained. Someone
present there told me, "We pulled you down on your face and then trampled
upon you." However, I do not know what they had done to me.1
Steadfastness of Ahmad ibn Hanbal
Ahmad ibn Hanbal was thereafter sent back to his house. He spent twenty-
eight months in prison and suffered thirty-four lashes. Ibrahim ibn Mus'ab,
one of the guards in whose custody Ahmad was kept, says that he had not
seen anyone more courageous and brave than Ahmad, for he regarded his
guards as though they were mere insects. Another person, Muhammad ibn
Ismail ibn Abī Samīna (d. 230/845), says that he had heard from certain eye-
witnesses that Ahmad ibn Hanbal was scourged so severely that one stroke
would have sufficed to make an elephant cry out. Another eyewitness of
Ahmad's scourging said that since Ahmad was fasting on that day, he said to
him, "The Shari'a permits you to outwardly accept the doctrine of the caliph
to save your life." But Ahmad paid me no attention. When he became too
thirsty, he asked for some water. A tumbler of ice-cold water was brought,
which he took in his hand, but then returned.2
One of the sons of Ahmad relates that his father had lash marks on his
body when he died. Abu'l-Abbas al-Raqqi describes how certain people who
wanted to save Ahmad from his sufferings went to the prison in Raqqa where
he was confined and recited the hadiths that allows one placed in similar
circumstances to save his life. Ahmad replied, "But what do you say of the
hadith transmitted by Khabbab which says that there were people of old who
were sawed into two but did not renounce their faith?" Those people became
despondent with Ahmad's reply, for they realized that he would go through
every possible trial and tribulation for the sake of his faith.
Achievements of Ahmad ibn Hanbal
The undaunted courage and steadfastness of Ahmad ibn Hanbal lent a death
blow to a heresy which had presented a grave threat to the true faith. All
those scholars who had expressed their agreement with the views of the
1
Tarjamat al-Imām, 41-49 (summarized).
2 Ibid., 49-50 (summarized).
90

Ahmad ibn Hanbal
caliphate, either out of fear or expediency, were exposed. All such individu-
als were despised and held in contempt, despite their erudition and learning.
On the other hand, Ahmad ibn Hanbal was received by the people with the
most honorable marks of distinction, and affection for him became a sign of
adherence to the orthodox school of Islam. One of his contemporaries, Ibn
Qutayba, said, "When you find a person who loves Ahmad ibn Hanbal, you
should know that he is a follower of the Sunna."' Another scholar, Ahmad
ibn Ibrahim al-Dawraqī, cautioned, "Be suspicious of the faith of one whom
you find irreverent to Ahmad."2
Ahmad ibn Hanbal was highly esteemed for his outstanding erudition in
the science of hadith. The compilation of the Musnad by Ahmad is truly a
testament to his profound knowledge. Ahmad was also a theologian and an
eminent jurist, the founder of one of the four orthodox schools of Islamic
jurisprudence. He led the life of a pious ascetic, but despite all these qualities,
the reason for his reputation of distinction and the affection with which he
was received by the Umma lay in his fearless championship of the true faith
in the face of the most powerful empire of his time. It is this achievement of
Ahmad which shall ever keep him endeared to the faithful, as a poet has said:
Ibrahim was reputed not for raising the House of Allah;
For he was quite at ease in the flaming fire, was he famed.
All the contemporaries of Ahmad ibn Hanbal who witnessed the calamity
of the dispute at its height have handsomely acknowledged his unrivalled
achievement. A contemporary of Ahmad and hadith scholar of repute, Ali
ibn al-Madinī,3 acknowledged that
Allah Almighty has honored this religion through two persons for whom there
is no third: one was Abu Bakr al-Siddiq on the occasion of the apostasy, and
the other was Ahmad ibn Hanbal during the inquisition.4
Ahmad ibn Hanbal obtained so high a reputation and acceptance that when
he died in 241/855 the whole of Baghdad came out to pay homage to the
departed teacher. The city had never witnessed such a surging crowd. His
funeral was attended approximately by 800,000 men and 60,000 women.5
1 Ibid., 16.
2 Baghdādī, Tārīkh Baghdad, 4:420.
3 He was the teacher of the great hadith scholar, Muhammad ibn Ismail al-Bukhari.
4 Tarikh Baghdad, 4:418.
5
Tarjamat al-Imam, 80; Wafayāt al-A'yan, 1:48.
91

CHAPTER 5
Abū 'l-Hasan al-Ash'arī
The Crisis of Mu'tazilism
The Mu'tazilis suffered a severe setback after the deaths of Mu tasim and
Wathiq, both of whom were ardent supporters of Mu'tazilī doctrine. Muta-
wakkil the tenth Abbasid caliph, succeeded his brother Wathiq in 232/846.
An opponent of the Mu'tazilis, he was eager to restore the true conception
of religion. He condemned the allegedly free-thinking Mu'tazilīs as heretics,
expelled them from public office, and prohibited them from holding discus-
sions on religious questions. Nevertheless, Mu'tazilism had taken root in the
circles of the learned and the philosophers all over the Islamic world.
Although the doctrine of the createdness of the Qur'an had died out,
Mu'tazilī thought still exercised considerable influence. It continued to enjoy
a vigorous following owing to the prominent exponents of Mu'tazilism, who
were well-versed in literature, dialectics, jurisprudence, and other sciences,
and who held high state offices. Mu'tazilis gained dominance by the middle
of the third/ninth century, when they were commonly regarded as ratio-
nalistic, progressive thinkers and seekers of the truth. Mu'tazilism became
the fashion among young men, students, and others who wanted to make a
name for themselves.
The Hanbali school was unable to produce another scholar of Ahmad
ibn Hanbal's caliber, while the hadith scholars and the teachers of the
orthodox school came to regard secular sciences as unwanted intruders into
the domain of religion. The orthodox theologians' ignorance of dialectics
and other secular sciences was seen as their weakness, allowing Mu'tazilīs
to gain a supremacy unseen before or since. It is true that those who had a
profound knowledge of religious sciences had generally accepted the tenets
of the hadith scholars, but the uninformed masses were mostly swayed by
the sharp wit and artfully discursive reasoning exhibited by the Mu'tazilīs.
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
Many theologians also suffered from an inferiority complex that served to
attract minds not content with the formalism of the orthodox school toward
the Mu'tazili view. This posed a great danger indeed for the Shari'a and the
path trodden by the scholars of the past.
The rationalists, holding the view that human reason was sufficiently
competent to search for ultimate reality, explained away any passages of the
Qur'an that they did not find supportive of their mode of reasoning. Their
explanations undermined the religion and its fundamental tenets. Thus, an
alleged rationalism lacking in scholarship and wisdom gained ground among
the Muslims and could not be refuted successfully by the unflinching faith
and ardent zeal of the Hanbalis and hadith scholars, nor by the spiritual
excellence and asceticism of the pious, nor even by the analogical deduction
and elaborate canonical laws and rules of the jurists.
The Man Demanded by the Faith
The crisis demanded a scholar, profound in knowledge and well-versed in
the secular sciences, who could fight the Mu'tazilis with their own weapons.
He had to be a man of towering personality, unrivalled even by the most
prominent exponents of Mu'tazilī thought. This was exactly the type of man
that Islam received in the person of Abū'l-Hasan al-Ash arī.
Imām Abū 'l-Hasan al-Ash'arī
Born in Basra in 260/874, Abü 'l-Hasan Ali ibn Isma'il was descended from
Abū Mūsā al-Ash arī, a Companion of the Messenger . After Isma'il's death,
Abū'l-Hasan's mother married Abū 'Ali al-Jubbā'i (d. 302/915), who was the
last great teacher and ardent promoter of Mu'tazilism. Ash'arī was brought up
and educated by Jubba'i, growing up to become an adherent of the Mu tazili
doctrine and a trusted assistant to Jubbā'ī.
Abū 'Alī al-Jubbā'ī was a successful teacher and writer but not a good
debater, while Abū'l-Hasan al-Ash arī was celebrated for both his wit and his
eloquence. During the debates on the doctrines of Mu'tazilism, Jubbã'i used to
ask his stepson to contend with the opponents of his school. Ash arī quickly
made a name for himself through his mastery of debate, and was recognized
as a teacher of the Mu tazili school.1 It was expected that he would succeed his
stepfather and mentor as an even more vigorous and distinguished exponent
of Mu'tazilī doctrine. Allah, however, willed otherwise.
1 Ibn 'Asākir, Tabyīn Kadhib al-Muftarī, p. 117.
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Abū 'I-Hasan al-Ash'arī
Despite the fact that Ash'arī had spent his life in the advocacy of the
Mu'tazilī school, whose leadership was about to fall in his lap, Allah selected
him to vindicate the Sunna. He began to see through the intellectual soph-
istry of the Mu'tazili school, its quibbling and hairsplitting, and ultimately
realized that the false reasoning of the rationalists was nothing more than
an empty but well-argued spell of words, ideas, and thoughts that were
wholly inconsequential to the search for Truth. It dawned on Ash arī that
the source of truth lay only in revelation: the way of the teachers of the old
and Companions of the Messenger
was the only right path, and that
there was no reason why intellect should not submit to it. Thus, becoming
disenchanted with the Mu tazili doctrines at the age of forty, he developed
an intense dislike for the so-called rationalist school. He went into his house
and did not come out for fifteen days. On the sixteenth day, he went from his
house to the principal mosque of the city. It was Friday, so Ash'arī elbowed
his way through the throngs of the faithful, went straight to the pulpit, and
as he ascended its steps he began to proclaim:
Many of you know me. I want to tell those who do not know me that I am
Abū'l-Hasan al-Ash arī. I was a Mu'tazilī and believed in their doctrines. Now I
seek repentance from Allah and turn away from my earlier beliefs. Henceforth,
I shall endeavor to refute the doctrines of the Mu'tazilis and lay bare their
mistakes and weaknesses.1
From that day on, Ash'arī fully devoted himself to repudiating the Mu'tazilīs
and propounding the tenets of orthodox Islam. With his profound knowl-
edge, penetrating intellect, eloquence, mastery of debate, and gifted writing,
he overpowered his opponents and upheld orthodox doctrines.
Ash'arī's Zeal to Propagate and Establish the Truth
As he considered it an obligation and mission enjoined by Allah the Almighty,
Ash'arī tirelessly undertook the task with zeal. Attending the meetings of the
Mu'tazilis, he sought out rationalists, to set their doubts about orthodoxy
to rest. If anyone objected to his meeting with skeptics and dissenters, who
ought to rather be shunned, he replied that he could not do otherwise, as
the Mu'tazilis were all well-placed in life, held the offices of administrators,
judges, and other venerable positions and, therefore, could not be expected to
come to him. If he too were to sit with folded hands, how would they come
1 Tabyîn, 39-40; Wafayat al-A'yan, 2:446-447.
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
to know the truth? He was someone who could defend the religion through
reason and disputation.1
The Achievements of Ash'arī
Ash arī was already a master of deduction and debate. He contended for the
correct doctrine with aptitude and skill. No one was better qualified than
he; with his knowledge of sciences like logic and debate, he excelled over
Mu tazilī scholars and rebutted their objections like a teacher answering the
questions of his students. One of his disciples, Abū 'Abdillah ibn al-Khafif
left an account of his first meeting with Ash arī in these words:
I came from Shiraz to Basra. Keen to meet Ash'arī, I enquired of his address.
I went to his place as he attended a debate. A group of Mu'tazilis were blurt-
ing out questions one after another. After they all finished their haranguing,
Ash'arī began his response. He took the objections raised by each man, one by
one, and set to rest all of their doubts. When Ash'arī rose from the meeting,
I followed him. He asked, "What do you want?" I replied, "I want to see how
many eyes, ears and tongues you have." He smiled on hearing my answer.2
The same narrator continues:
"I couldn't see why you kept quiet in the beginning," I said, "and allowed the
Mu'tazilīs to present their objections. It behooved you to deliver lectures
and meet their objections forthwith, instead of asking them to speak first."
Ash'arī replied, "I do not consider it lawful even to repeat their doctrines and
beliefs, but once someone has expressed them, it becomes an obligation for
the righteous to refute their tenets."3
Abū 'l-Hasan al-Ash arī was the founder of scholastic theology (kalām). All
the theologians of the later ages have acknowledged Ash arī's God-given intel-
ligence, wisdom, discernment, and insightfulness. Qādī Abū Bakr al-Bāqillānī
was known to his contemporaries by the name of Lisan al-Umma (Tongue of
the Nation) on account of his eloquence and skill with the pen. Once, when
somebody remarked that his writings appeared to excel those of Ash'arī,
Bāqillanī replied that he considered it an honor just to be able to understand
Ash'arī's works.4 Another celebrated scholar, Abū Ishaq al-Isfarayīni, who
1 Tabyīn, 116.
2 Ibid., 95.
3 Ibid., 95-95.
4 Ibid., 126.
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Abu 'I-Hasan al-Ash'arī
is considered an authority on theology and legal theory, admitted that his
own knowledge was like a drop in an ocean compared to that of Shaykh Abū
'1-Hasan al-Bahili, a student of Ash'arī, while the same similitude applied to
Bāhilī's knowledge compared to the knowledge of his master.1
The Middle Course of Ash'arī
Ash'arī adopted a middle course between the Mu'tazilis and the hadith
scholars. Unlike the Mu'tazilis, he rejected the claim that reason was com-
pletely sufficient to discern metaphysical realities and deliver a verdict about
the content, nature, attributes, and characteristics of Ultimate Truth. He
disagreed with the Hanbalis and hadith scholars who, owing to their fervor
for the faith, considered it necessary to sneer and turn their backs on using
reason in defense of religion. He did not consider it prudent to remain silent
about contentious and dogmatic issues raised during his time. He employed
philosophical terminology in his discussions with the Mu'tazilis and the
scholars of the rationalist school, which heightened their respect for ortho-
doxy. In fact, Ash'arī followed the maxim "talk to the people according to their
understanding." This meant keeping the laity in view as much as the elite.
Since the Mu'tazilis followed their own instincts and desires by explain-
ing away the dictates of religion, preferring the doctrines propagated by the
expounders of their sect over the tenets of the Qur'an and the Sunna, Ash arī
criticized them with the utmost emphasis at his command. In the first treatise
he wrote after turning away from Mu'tazilism, he explained:
It ought to be known that these sects (the Mu'tazilis and the Qadarīs) have, in
falling behind the forerunners and leaders of their sects, turned away from
the Right Path and submitted to their own wishes and desires. They have
explained away the Qur'anic text in a way unauthorized by Allah Almighty.
Their interpretation is neither supported by reason nor by the hadith handed
down from the Messenger , his Companions, or their Successors.2
Thereafter, throwing light on the principles of his own school of thought,
he said:
We have a faith in the Qur'an and the hadiths and, therefore, hold the opinion
that these must be followed ungrudgingly. What has been handed down by
the Companions, their Successors, and the hadith scholars has to be accepted
1 Ibid., 125.
2 Ash'arī, Kitab al-lbāna, 5.
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
completely and with unquestioning submission, for this is the way of Ahmad
ibn Hanbal (may Allah bless him and give him a goodly reward by raising him
to a high and sublime station). We shun those who do not follow the path of
Ahmad, for he was the imam, pious and erudite, whom Allah Almighty enabled
to show the path of righteousness and efface the deviations, innovations, and
doubts of the skeptics, and the interpretations of the misguided. May Allah
glorify the admirable and venerable Imām."1
The achievements of Ash'arī did not, however, simply consist of defending
the orthodox school, for the Hanbalis and other hadith scholars had already
undertaken that. The most valuable accomplishment of Ash'arī was the for-
mulation of principles which enabled the tenets of orthodoxy to be accepted
in the light of reason, on the basis of logical arguments. He examined the
doctrines of the Mu tazilis and other sects through the principles of logic and
the philosophical terminology formulated by those very sects, and brought
out their mistakes so as to uphold the beliefs and tenets of the orthodoxy.
Ash'arī inevitably earned the displeasure of the Mu'tazilis and other oppos-
ing sects, and he was also criticized by rigid Hanbalīs and hadith scholars
who considered it a sin to discuss the issues raised by the rationalists or to
use philosophical terms to clarify the tenets of the faith.
Ash'arī maintained that the ultimate source of faith and the key to
metaphysical and unseen realities were revelation and the teachings of the
Messenger
rather than human reason, speculation, or Greek metaphys-
ics. At the same time, he differed from the rigid dogmatism of conformists,
who thought it prudent to remain silent about issues raised by opposing
sects simply because the hadiths transmitted from the Messenger did not
employ their terminology. Ash'arī felt that this attitude would be regarded
as a weakness of the orthodox school, ultimately harming it. He also main-
tained that the attitude of rigid dogmatists would enable the Mu'tazilis and
other opposing sects, through their apparent endeavor to reconcile faith with
reason and religion with philosophy, to attract intellectual youth who were
not content being pushed into such a rigid mold.
Ash'arī agreed with the orthodox view that revelation and prophecy were
the only dependable sources as far as the religion was concerned, a view dia-
metrically opposed to the Mu'tazilis and the philosophers. However, he also
held that it was not only lawful but obligatory and even a superior form of
jihād, to utilize logical deduction and the prevailing philosophical terminol-
1 Ibid., 8.
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Abu 'l-Hasan al-Ash'arī
ogy to clarify religious doctrines. He maintained that it was not at all necessary
to avoid issues pertaining to perception and intellect, which were ultimately
grounded in human experience but had been needlessly incorporated into
religious doctrines by the rationalists to argue about them with the help of
clever wordplay. At the same time, he considered it essential for teachers of
religion to face those issues and refute the claims of the Mu'tazilis and other
philosophers through logic and reason. He did not subscribe to the view
that the Messenger of Allah
made no mention of the issues raised by the
rationalists of later times, either on account of his ignorance or because he
did not consider it lawful to do so. This was simply because those questions
and rationalistic modes of thought had not come into existence during the
lifetime of the Messenger
Ash'arī maintained that, just as new issues in sacred and secular law were
being brought to light by the changing times, new questions in the realm of
doctrines and metaphysics were also being raised. Therefore, like jurists who
solved difficult legal questions through analogical deduction and elaborating
canon laws, the theologians and the scholars of religion were duty-bound
to explain and clarify the tenets of faith in the face of new questions. Ash arī
wrote a treatise entitled Istihsan al-Khawd fi 'l-Kalam (Praiseworthiness of
Inquiry in Theology) explaining his opinion on the matter.
Thus, disregarding both the satisfaction or opposition of either faction,
Ash'arī went ahead with the task of defending the religion according to the
methodology he deemed necessary. This endeavor undoubtedly required
great courage and intelligence, and Ash'arī met the challenge. Through his
lectures and writings, he was able to quell the rising tide of Mu'tazilism
and philosophy, saving many souls from being swept away by the wave of
skepticism. He instilled faith, enthusiasm, zeal, and self-confidence among
the followers of orthodoxy through his well-argued and forceful vindica-
tion of the religion. Ash'ari's defense was, however, not the least apologetic.
On the contrary, he was able to eradicate the inferiority complex that had
unconsciously seized the followers of the orthodox creed and insidiously
undermined their self-confidence. Ash'arī quickly turned the tables on the
Mu'tazilis who, far from maintaining the force of their assault on orthodoxy,
found it difficult to withstand Ash'ari's offensive, which he delivered with
the full weight of an unshakable conviction. Abu Bakr ibn al-Sayrafi says
that the Mu'tazilis had caused a crisis for Islam, but Allah brought forth Abū
'1-Hasan al-Ash'arī to take up the bludgeons against them. He overcame them
with intelligence and debate. Therefore, he soon came to be regarded as one
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SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
of the foremost advocates and revivers of the religion. Certain scholars, like
Abu Bakr al-Ismācīlī, hold him as second only to Ahmad ibn Hanbal for his
efforts to uphold and defend the religion.1
Ash'arī's Works
Ash'arī defended orthodox Islam not only with his sermons and debates, but
also through valuable treatises he wrote to expose the weaknesses of hereti-
cal sects. Dhahabī reports that Ash'ari's commentary on the Qur'an ran into
thirty volumes. Ash arī is said to have written some 250 to 300 works, a large
number of which deal with the main positions of the Mu'tazilis and other
unorthodox philosophies and heretical religion.2 A voluminous work by
Ash'arī, Kitab al-Fușul (The Book of Subsections), comprises twelve volumes,
refutes the doctrines of a number of philosophies, including rationalism,
atheism, and naturalism, as well as other religions such as Hinduism, Judaism,
Christianity, and Zoroastrianism.3
Ibn Khallikan has also mentioned some of his other works entitled
Al-Luma (The sparks), Al-Kitab al-Mūjaz (The Concise Book), Idah al-Bur-
han (Clarification of the Proof), Al-Tabyin 'an Usul al-Din (An Exposition
of the Fundamentals of Religion), and Al-Sharh wa 'I-Tafsil (The Detailed
Exposition). Besides these works on rational sciences and theology, Ash'arī
wrote several books on other religious sciences like Kitab al-Qiyas (The Book
of Analogy) and Kitab al-Ijtihād fi 'l-Ahkām (The Book of Reasoning for
Formulating Rulings). Al-Khabar al-Wahid (The Lone Narrator's Report) is
a work refuting Ibn al-Rāwandī's negation of mutawatir hadiths (contiguous
narrations). In one of his books, entitled Al-Umad (The Supports), Ash arī
gives a list of sixty-eight books written by himself before 320/932, four years
before his death. Some of these works run to ten or twelve volumes. Finally,
the books he wrote during the last four years of his life are also considerable.
His Maqālāt al-Islamiyyîn (Discourses of the Proponents of Islam) demon-
strates that Ash'arī was not simply a debater, but also a reliable chronicler of
other religions. In this book, he records the doctrines of a number of sects
with the sense of responsibility behooving an eminent historian. In fact, his
descriptions of the beliefs and practices of other religions match books writ-
ten by the very followers of those faiths.4
1 Tabyīn, 53.
2 Ibid., 136.
3 Ibid., 128.
4 Ibid., 64.
100