Indexed OCR Text

Third Century
Muhammad ibn Sahnūn (d. 265/879) describes that excellence in recitation (tajwid al-
qira'ah) are of the concerns of the qurrā.139 Yunus ibn 'Abd al-A'la (d. 264/878)
records that Warsh (d. 193/809) was excellent in his recitation (jayyid al-qira'ah).140
One notes that the usage of the term tajwid during this early period was used to
describe proficient recitation of the Qur'an, as opposed to poor recitation.141
Fourth Century
The earliest extant writings dedicated to proto-tajwid and qira'at appear in this
century. Abu Bakr ibn Mujahid (d. 324/936) compiles his book, al-Sab'ah, in qirā'āt
and Abū Muzāhim Khāgānī his poem on "husn al-adā", excellence in recitation. The
term tajwid does not appear in either of them. However, a student of both Ibn
Mujahid and Abū Muzāķīm, Abū Bakr al-Shadhā'ī (d. 373/983), quotes Ibn Mujahid
in relating that giving the letters their rights is considered as being from "excellence in
their pronunciation" (tajwid lafthiha).142 Subsequently, students of Shadha'ī start
using the term tajwid in its technical sense.
In the same century Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Malati (d. 377/987) compiles a poem
of 59 lines on Qur'anic recitation, a pastiche based on al-Khaqāniyyah; with its exact
meter and rhyme, paying homage to al-Khaqāniyyah. Likewise, in the same century,
Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-'Ijlī al-Lālakā'ī143 (d. after 386/996) also compiles a poem
on Qur'anic recitation based on the same meter and rhyme of al-Khaqaniyyah.
139 Sahnūn, Kitab al-Ajwibah: 354.
140 Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-Nihāyah: 1/503.
141 Ibn al-Jazarī documents that "jawdah" is the opposite of that which is poor or bad. See al-Nashr. 1/210.
142 The earliest mention of this quote is by Dani in two different works of his, al-Tahdīd fi al-Itqan wa al-Tajwid:
116; Sharh al-Khāqāniyyah: 2/229.
143 Lālakā'ī was a student of Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn Nașr al-Shadha'i, who was a student of the famous Ibn Mujahid
and Abū Muzāhim. See al-Hamad, The Science of Tajwid before al-Ri'ayah and al-Tadīd, Imam Shațibi Institute
of Qur'anic Sciences: 173; Ghayat al-Nihayah: 2/85-86.
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Lālakā'ī explicitly mentions his reliance on Abū Muzāhim as well as quoting a
hemistich verbatim from al-Khaqāniyyah.144 Though the term "tajwid" is not found in
al-Khāqāniyyah, it is used in its literal sense in the compositions of both Malați and
Lālakā'ī in their poems during the very century in which al-Khaqāniyyah was
compiled.145 Brockelmann ascribes a work named Tuļfat al-Anām fi al-Tajwīd to Abū
Bakr ibn Mihran (d. 381/991). (Brockelmann, 1983: 4/5-6). If this ascription of
Brockelmann is correct, then the first usage of the term tajwid in its technical sense
may be from this century.
Fifth Century
The earliest usage of tajwid in this century is by 'Alī ibn Ja'far al-Sa īdī (d. 410/1019),
a student of Shadha'ī; he mentions the word tajwid as a distinctive science at the start
of his treatise on errors. This work of Sa idi is considered as one of the earliest written
works dedicated to the science of tajwid, subsequent to the poems of Khaqanī, Malați
and Lalakā'ī.146 Sa īdī mentions that the reason for him penning this work is because
he was requested to write something on excellence of articulation in the Qur'an
(tajwīd al-lafth bi al-Qur'an).147
A student of Lālakā'ī, Hasan ibn 'Alī al-'Umānī (d. ? )148, presents an extensive chapter
on tajwid in his work, al-Awsat, which he compiled in 413/1022.149 Though al-Awsat
144 See line 108 of Lālakā'ī's poem. Al-'Ubayd, al-Kulāşah fi al-Tajwīd: 151.
145 See line 25 of Malati's poem and line 48 of Lalakā'ī's poem. Al-'Ubayd, al-Kulāşah fi al-Tajwid: 128, 142.
Al-Hamad, Abhath fi 'Ilm al-Tajwid: 34-37.
147 See al-Sa'īdī, al-Tanbih 'ala al-Lahn al-Jalī wa al-Lahn al-Khafr. 20.
148 Information on 'Umanī is sparse; no dates of birth or death of 'Umānī are given by Ibn al-Jazarī. Ibn al-Jazarī
explicitly mentions that he is not aware of who 'Umanī read to, or who read to him. (Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-
Nihāyah: 1/223). Ibn al-Jazarī relates that 'Umānī settled in Egypt soon after the 500's. This date seems inaccurate
because 'Umanī mentions that he read to Lalaka'ī in Basra in the year 392 ('Umani, al-Awsat: 61-62), which would
have made him more than 100 years old when he settled in Egypt. Hajī Khalifah suggests that he died circa 400
(Kashf al-Thunūn: 2/1654), which is also improbable since he authored al-Awsat in 413. (Kitab al-Awsat: 62). See
al-Hamad, The Science of Tajwid before al-Ri'ayah and al-Tahdid from Kitab al-Awsat, Imam Shatibi Institute of
Qur'anic Sciences: 176.
149 Al-‘Umānī, Kitab al-Awsat: 62.
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is a book dedicated to the science of qira'at, 'Umani dedicates an exclusive chapter
titled "the chapter on tajwid' (bab fi al-tajwid). This is distinct from the previously
mentioned usages of the term tajwid in that it is the first written definition of tajwid.
This definition of 'Umani is repeated by subsequent books of the later generations like
Dānī150, Hudhalī151, al-Mubārak Shahrazūrī152 and even Ibn al-Jazarī.153 Ahmad ibn
Abī 'Umar al-Andarabī (died after 500/1107) attributes 'Umānī's definition of tajwid,
verbatim, to al-Khuzā'ī (d. 408/1017).154
It should be noted that Abu al-Fadl al-Khuzā'ī (d. 408/1017) and al-Sa'īdī (d.
410/1019) - who used the term tajwid in its technical sense in their writings - were
students of Shadha'ī, who was a student of Ibn Mujahid. This suggests that the earliest
usage of "tajwid" in its technical sense was by the very person who penned the earliest
extant book on qirā'āt, Ibn Mujahid. Subsequently, "tajwid' is extensively used in its
technical sense by Makkī ibn Abī Țālib (d. 437/1046) in his Ri'āyah fi Tajwid al-
Qira'ah which he completed in 420/1029 and by al-Dānī (d. 444/1052) in his al-
Tahdīd fi al-Itqān wa al-Tajwīd. Al-Ri'āyah seems to precede Dānī's writing because
Makkī mentions that the idea of him writing al-Ri'ayah came to him in 390 already,
but it took him 30 years to complete. He also explicitly mentions that he has not seen
anyone preceding him writing the likes of his work, al-Ri'ayah.155
150
Al-Tahdīd: 68.
151 Hudhalī, al-Kāmil: 93.
152 Mubarak, al-Mişbāķ: 1/498.
153 Al-Nashr. 1/212.
154 Tajwid al-Lafth fi al-Qur'an al-Karīm: 33; al-Īdah fi al-Qira'āt of Andarābī (ed. Ghanī, 2002): 344.
This definition is not mentioned by Khuza'ī in his book, al-Muntaha. However, Khuza'ī is known to have authored
many books (see the introduction to al-Muntahā, edited by Rabbanī: 1/106); he also wrote Tah-dhīb al-Ada'
(Refining Execution [in recitation]) and al-Wadih (The Evident). See Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-Nihayah: 2/109.
Perhaps he documented this definition in one of his other works. If this attribution of Andarabi is correct, it would
place the earliest definition of tajwid to an antecedent prior to al-Awsat by at least five years because Khuza'ī died
in 408/1017 while al-Awsat was compiled in 413/1022. It would also mean that this definition of tajwid is not that
of 'Umānī's, but perhaps that of Khuza'ī's. Perhaps both Khuza'ī and 'Umānī got this definition from a common
link or it was already commonplace amongst the fraternity of reciters during this early period.
155 Makkī, al-Ri'āyah: 52.
39

In conclusion, the term "tajwid' in its general sense is found in quotations which date
back to as early as the second and third hijrī centuries. In the fourth century, Malați
and Lalakā'ī used it in their writings; again, in its general sense. A student of Lālakā'ī,
'Umānī, documents the earliest written definition in his work, al-Awsat, in the fifth
century. Andarabī attributes this very definition of 'Umānī, verbatim, to Khuzā'ī, thus
making it antecedent to 'Umanī. It seems that the earliest usage of the term in its
technical sense was by Ibn Mujahid himself, as conveyed by his student, Shadha'ī.
This is not improbable because 'Umani has a heading in his book, al-Awsat, "the
makharij of the letters based on the sequence mentioned by Ibn Mujahid". This
suggests that matters of tajwid were discussed by Ibn Mujahid in some of his written
works, bearing in mind that many of Ibn Mujahid's works are no longer extant.156
Considering the aforementioned quotation of Sahnun (d. 265/879) in the third
century, that tajwid al-qira'ah are of the concerns of the qurra', it could be argued that
the term "tajwid' was commonplace, or used in small circles, amongst the fraternity of
reciters during the third century already. Ibn Mujahid's usage of the term would
therefore not be considered as extraordinary at all. If Brockelmann's ascription of
Tuhfat al-Anām fi al-Tajwīd to Ibn Mihran is correct157, then it supports the argument
that the word tajwid was common during Ibn Mujahid's era. Subsequently, Makkī
and Danī offer extensive detail in their various works dedicated to the science of
tajwid which is used as a basis for all later compilations on the science.
156 In Jāmi“ al-Bayan, Dānī refers to Ibn Mujahid's Jāmi‘ many times: 273, 287, 426, 530, 559, etc. This work is also
referred to as Kitab al-Qira'āt al-Kabir. He also wrote a number of smaller works on individual Readings. See
Hamdan: Mu'jam Mușannafāt 'Ulum al-Qur'an al-Karīm: 86-91. Furthermore, on al-Sayrafi's commentary of
Sībaway's Kitab, he quotes Ibn Mujahid on matters of tajwid, like nun sakinah by the letters of the throat, the
idgham of the qurra', amongst other matters. His quotes are at times direct from Ibn Mujahid, considering that
Sayrafi was a student of his. See Tajwid al-Lafth fi al-Qur'an al-Karim: 416.
157 I have not found Brockelmann's attribution of this tajwid book to Ibn Mihran corroborated by other sources.
40

A Synopsis of the Early Developments in Tajwid
The oral nature of the Qur'an required that the Qur'an be grasped via talaqqī (oral
reception). This practice stemmed from the Prophet Muhammad
,
was maintained
by his Companions, and inspired the statement "recitation is methodology which is
followed; the latter grasps it from the former" (al-qira'ah sunnat muttaba'ah
ya'khudhu al-akhir 'an al-awwal).158 The codification of these Qur'anic sounds is
supplementary to talaqqī.
During the Prophetic period, simple terms like tartil, tarassul, tafsir, and so on, are
used to describe recitation. The technical terms that are currently found in tajwid
manuals were not found The Companions encouraged this slow-paced and clear
recitation as opposed to a swift and unclear - hadhramah - recitation. With foreign
elements ( 'ujmah| 'ajam) entering into Islam, good recitation was described as being in
"'arabiyyah" and "faşahah" while errors in recitation were referred to as "lahn". Due
to the spread of lahn, generally as well as in Qur'anic recitation, it prompted a genre
of writing devoted to lahn. The 'ajam also instigated the first writings on basic rules of
Arabic for non-Arabs, as well as Arabs who were affected by the 'ajam. Du'ali's treatise
on Arabic within the first hijri century included guidance for the vowelisation of the
Qur'anic text. These writings in Arabic later resulted in the compilation of Khalil's
lexicon, Kitab al-'Ayn, as well as Sībaway's al-Kitab, which was considered as the
"Qur'an on grammar".159 During the period of the eponymous Readers, it was not
uncommon for them to have written notes (nusakh) or books which detailed aspects
of Qur'anic recitation. Writings on qira'at - whether hypomnemata or syngramma -
also contained matters pertaining to what would later become the science of tajwid,
since they are inextricably linked. Smaller works were dedicated to specific aspects of
recitation, like Kisā'ī's book on lahn or Yazīdī's work on madd and qasr.
158 Ibn Mujahid mentions a number of parallel statements which are echoed by many, including Sībaway in al-
Kitab. See Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 51, Sībaway, al-Kitāb: 1/74.
159 Schoeler, The Oral and the Written in Early Islam: 50.
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The eponymous Rāwī, Ibn Dhakwan's (d. 242/856) description of good recitation
during this early period mentions:
· Recitation with tartil, each letter distinct from the other (taqtī' al-huruf).
. Having knowledge of the articulation points (makhārij al-huruf).
· Recitation that is within measure i.e. without exaggeration or deficiencies.
. Correct application of ith-har of nun sakinah by the letters of the throat,
tarqīq, idghām and ith-hār.
. Correct application of tafkhim, the tashdid and the hamzah without
exaggeration.
Similarly, the eponymous Reader, 'Āşim's (d. 127/745) recitation was described as
being with "hamz" and "madd", Nafi' (d. 167/784) applied "tamkīn" in the letters of
madd or he applied "maddan wasatan", a recitation with "tahqiq" or without
“tashdīd'.160
Al-Khagāniyyah of Abū Muzaķim al-Khagānī is considered the earliest extant book
dedicated to capturing the orality of the Qur'an as outlined in the science of tajwid.
Soon afterwards Muhammad Malati (d. 377/987) compiled a pastiche of 59 lines on
al-Khaqāniyyah.161 In the same century, Muhammad Lālakā'ī (d. after 386/996) also
compiled a pastiche on al-Khaqāniyyah. Besides the poems written in this century,
Ibn al-Munādī (d. 336/948) compiled a work on lahn, which is referenced by Abū 'Alī
al-Banna' (d. 471/1078) in his work on lahn, Bayan al-Uyūb al-latī Yajib an
160 Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 134-135.
161
Țala at mentions another work titled Makhārij al-Huruf wa Șifatihā of Ibn Abī al-Asbagh al-Harrānī (d. 339)
that was written before Malati's poem, edited by Muhammad Ya'qub Turkistānī in 1991. (Tala'at, 1998: 154).
However, I could not find this book of Harranī mentioned in any of the bibliographical works and the only book
edited by Turkistānī with the name Makhārij al-Huruf wa Șifatihā in 1991 was authored by Abu al-Asbagh al-
Ishbīlī, better known as Ibn al-Țahhān (d. after 560).
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Yajtanibuhā al-Qurrā'.162 Abū 'Alī al-Naqqār (d. 352/963)163 also penned a work on
the articulation points, Makharij al-Hurūf.164
Early in the fifth century, 'Ali ibn Ja far al-Sa'īdī (d. 410/1019), wrote his treatise on
tajwid which he named Tanbih 'ala al-Lahn al-Jali wa al-Lahn al-Khafi. He
significantly referred to tajwid as a distinctive science at the start of his treatise. In
413/1022, 'Umānī compiled a book on gira'āt, al-Awsat, which holds an independent
chapter on tajwid with an extensive definition. Some have attributed this definition to
Khuzā ī (d. 408/1017). This very definition of tajwid is repeated by subsequent books
of the later generations like Dānī, Hudhalī, al-Mubarak Shahrazūrī and even Ibn al-
Jazarī. 165 Subsequently, Makkī ibn Abī Țālib (d. 437/1046) and Dānī (d. 444/1052) use
the term tajwid in the titles of their books and write extensively on it.
A notable work on tajwid in the fifth century is al-Mūdih fi al-Tajwid of Qurțubī (d.
462/1070). He depended upon the works of Ibn Jinnī, Sa'īdī, Makkī and Dānī before
him when compiling his book.166 During the fifth century, several books on qira'at
have independent chapters dedicated to tajwīd, like al-Kāmil of Abu al-Qasim al-
Hudhalī (d. 465/1073), al-Īdaķ of Andarābī (d. 470/1070) and al-Jāmi‘ of al-Rūdhabārī
(d. 489/1096). Kitab al-Sabah, al-Irshad and al-Ghayah written in the fourth century
do not have chapters dedicated to tajwid, but instead discuss matters of tajwid
intermittently. In the subsequent centuries there are numerous works written on
tajwid, which include al-Tamhīd fi Ma'rifat al-Tajwīd by Abu al-'Ala' Hamadhanī (d.
569/1174), Minhaj al-Tawfiq ilā Ma'rifat al-Tajwid wa al-Tahqīq and 'Umdat al-Mufid
wa 'Uddat al-Mujīd fi Ma'rifat al-Tajwid by Sakhawī. Hamadhanī's work seems to
draw from Ibn Mihran, Danī and Sa īdī167 while Sakhawī explicitly mentions the poem
162 Al-Banna' references Ibn al-Munādī on pages 39, 51 and 54.
163 Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-Nihāyah: 1/212.
164 Ibn al-Nadīm, Fihrist: 35.
165 Al-Nashr. 1/212.
166 See Qaddurī's introduction to his editing of al-Mūdih: 26-27.
167 See Qaddurī's introduction to his editing of al-Tamhīd: 37-39.
43

of Ibn Khagan. In the ninth hijrī century, Ibn al-Jazarī drew from all the afore-
mentioned books of qira'at, as well as the books of tajwid.168
168 Ibn al-Jazarī lists these books of gira'āt as his source-texts when compiling al-Nashr, indicating that only did he
access to these works, but that he had studied them with teachers. See his transmission chains for these books in
al-Nashr. 1/58-98. This includes the compilations of Sakhawī; Minhaj al-Tawfiq ilā Ma'rifat al-Tajwid wa al-Tahqīq
and 'Umdat al-Mufid wa 'Uddat al-Mujid fi Ma'rifat al-Tajwid, amongst others.
44

Tajwid: Its Audience, Content and Orthoepic-phonetic
Terminologies
Compilations on tajwid are directed at reciters of the Qur'an, as explicitly stated by
many of their compilers. They predominantly discuss correct recitation of the Qur'an
by detailing its sounds.
"Tajwid is the system of rules regulating the correct oral rendering of the
Qur'an ... Tajwid is believed to be the codification of the sound of
revelation as it was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, and as he
subsequently rehearsed it with the Angel Gabriel." (Nelson, 2001: 14).
Nelson notes that text-orientated scholars often do not grasp the significance of tajwid
by simply translating it from written texts. They consider a translation to be "adequate
to convey its material and sense, presenting a confusing string of arbitrarily selected
rules, which ignores the comprehensiveness of the science and its significance to the
oral nature of the Qur'an". Seeman confuses tajwid with melody, translating it as
"cantillation of scripture". (Paraphr. Nelson, 2001: 16).
Due to tajwid being so closely connected to qira'at and the Arabic language, many of
the technical terms adopted in the science are drawn from them. For example, qira'at
has the terms madd, fath, imalah, idgham, ith-har, and so on. Grammarians and
philologists used these very terms when compiling their manuals on Arabic. The
difference between the sciences being that the former's presentation would be with
regards to its applications in Qur'anic transmission and the latter discussion it
pertaining to Arab expression and usage. With regards to some aspects of phonology
and phonetics, tajwid draws terms like jawf (oral cavity), hafat al-lisan (side of the
tongue) and other phonetic descriptions from Arabic manuals. Often terms in tajwid
manuals are derived from figh and hadith as well. For example, Dānī using "wujūb"
(compulsory), or explaining his transmissions of various traditions e.g. a report being
"gharīb" (unfamiliar), it having "ittisal al-sanad' (a connected chain of transmission)
45

or "adalat al-naqalah" (trustworthy transmitters).169 Nöldeke has indicated to this
reliance on grammar, philology and figh. (Nöldeke, 2013: 568). Despite this
dependence upon other sciences, tajwid does have orthoepic terminologies exclusive to
it e.g. tartil, tarassul, tamkīn, ishbā, fakk al-huruf etc. Describing the differences
between Makkī's Ri'āyah and Dānī's Tahdīd, Nöldeke notes about al-Ri'āyah:
"The first part deals with the rules of order, the merit of the recitation of
the Koran, etc., while the second part is purely linguistic, concerned with
the consonants, their articulation and qualities, consonantal connections,
doubling of consonants, and, in the final chapter, nun and tanwin in
contextual pronunciation. But in the nearly contemporary work of al-
Dānī (d. 444/1052), al-Tahdīd fil 'ilm al-tajwid, the paraenetic part is
omitted - it continues its own development - whereas the linguistic and
phonetic parts are somewhat enlarged. Here the propaedeutic character of
tajwid becomes even more evident." (Nöldeke, 2013: 568).
Makkī dedicated a number of chapters exhorting the merits of recitation, even though
it technically did not discuss matters pertaining to the Qur'an's orality. This would be
a feature repeated in many manuals of tajwid thereafter. Technically, waqf and ibtida',
should not form part of tajwid since it does not deal with its sounds specifically.
However, it comprises talaqqī and perhaps therefore have later been included in
manuals of tajwīd. Waqf was mentioned by Abū Muzāhim in al-Khaqāniyyah, and
Dānī expounds upon it in his commentary, presenting different types of waqf like
waqf tamm, waqf kafi, waqf hasan and waqf qabīh.170 Makkī, on the other hand, only
discusses it when stopping on a mushaddad. The same could be said about the rules
pertaining to the isti adhah and the basmalah i.e. essentially they do not form part of
the science of tajwid.
169 See Dānī, al-Tahdīd fi al-Itqān wa al-Tajwīd: 78.
170 Dānī, Sharķ Qașīdah Abī Muzāķim al-Khāqānī: 2/421.
46

A noteworthy area in Arabic - as well as in Qur'anic recitation - that tajwid writings
developed further was the concept of lahn. Though it was a term shared between
these sciences, tajwid divided lahn into two categories: lahn jalī and lahn khafi. The
former was errors made in the very make-up of the word, like mispronunciation of a
word's letters or vowels. This is clear in Kisa'i's compilation on lahn, in which he only
addresses lahn jali. Lahn khafi on the other hand, was only perceived by expert
reciters; only the expert, accurate teacher (muqrī' mutqin dabit) and those
knowledgeable of qira'at and ada' could recognise this kind of error.171 The
appearance of this division of lahn into jali and khafi seems to be during the fourth
hijrī century, being mentioned by Ibn Mujahid in al-Sabah.172 In the fifth hijrī
century, Sa'īdī, Dānī and Qurțubī expounded upon the concept of lahn khafi in
Qur'anic recitation. The discussion on lahn khafi is continued in subsequent centuries
by the likes of Andarabī, Hamadhanī and eventually Ibn al-Jazarī.
Examples of lahn khafi are the correct application of certain attributes found in the
Arabic consonants, like hams, jahr, shiddah, rikhwah, etc. This is similar to
considering correct pronunciation of voiced fricatives, unvoiced fricatives, plosives,
emphaticness, and so forth in English. Communication in Arabic, as well as in
English, continues unimpeded by incorrect articulation of these phonetical details e.g.
voicing the fricative in "thin" or unvoicing the fricative in "them" will not impede
communication. However, when it came to Qur'anic recitation, tajwid demanded that
each of these phonetical details be articulated with utmost precision. Omission of
these minute phonetical details was considered as an error i.e. lahn khafi, even though
it did not impede communication. Later, Arabic phoneticians resorted to what was
documented in tajwid works for the correction details of Arabic phonetics.173
171 Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 49; Sa'īdī, al-Lahn al-Jalī wa al-Lahn al-Khafr: 260; al-Mar ashī, Juhd al-Muqill: 85.
172 Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 49; See also Hamad, Abļāth fi 'Ilm al-Tajwīd: 172.
173 Hamad, Abhath fi 'Ilm al-Tajwid: 187.
47

Transmission versus Ijtihād
Every book of gira'at resonates the concept of transmission; a methodology implanted
by the Prophet Muhammad
,
continued by his Companions and the Successors
.174 Of recent, Nasser has fervently argued that qira'āt is based on ijtihad.175 To
support his argument, he has employed various approaches. He ignores earlier
scholars' reiteration of transmission - the likes of Sībaway176 (d. 180/796) and Abū
'Ubayd Qasim ibn Sallām (d. 249/863) in the second and third hijrī centuries - and
quotes a sixth hijri century exegete, Ibn 'Atiyyah (d. 541/1147), that "the seven
eponymous Readings are the result of the Readers' interpretation (ijtihad) of the
defective 'Uthmanic consonantal outline (rasm) and that these Readings were accepted
through the consensus of the community (ummah)." (Nasser, 2013: 7). He again
references Ibn 'Ațiyyah and writes that "Ibn 'Atiyyah openly states that the seven
Readings originated due to the eponymous Readers' interpretation (ijtihad) of the
defective 'Uthmānic rasm." (Nasser, 2013: 40).
However, in the very edition of Muharrar al-Wajiz referenced by Nasser177, though
Ibn 'Ațiyyah mentions ijtihād ( fa qara'ū bidhalik hasab ijtihādātihim) he says nothing
about a "defective 'Uthmanic rasm" which Nasser quotes him on, twice. Nasser
continues his misquotation of Ibn 'Atiyyah and conveniently neglects to mention the
initial part of the sentence in which Ibn 'Atiyyah very explicitly states that the qurra'
of the amsar merely followed the differences that were transmitted to them (tatbaū
174 For quotations on transmission of qira'at from the first hijri century until present-day, see the article of Rifa'ī,
'Ādil: Aqwāl al-'Ulamā' al-Wāridah fi ann "al-Qirā'ah Sunnat Muttaba'ah wa al-Aķkām al-Mabniyyah 'alā dhalik,
Majallat al-Jāmi at al-Islāmiyyah bi al-Madinat al-Munawwarah, edition 158, pp. 131-180.
175 Nasser insinuates a number of inaccurate claims regarding qira'at in his works. To deal with all of them are
beyond the scope of this paper.
176 Sībaway maintains that the correct articulation of the letters of the Arabic alphabet can only be realised orally.
(Al-Kitab: 4/432). By extension, this would apply to Qur'anic recitation. In fact, with more emphasis in Qur'anic
recitation since tajwid experts developed lahn khafi to ensure the accurate articulation of all the phonetical
attributes during recitation; a matter not realised by philologists, as mentioned previously.
177 This is the edition edited by 'Abd al-Salam Muhammad and printed in Beirut by Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiyyah in
2001.
48

mā ruwiya lahum min ikhtilāfat). This is a grievous oversight from Nasser since the
very scholar he quotes in support of his argument is actually stating the opposite of
what he is arguing.
The concept of ijtihad is never unrestricted. Ibn 'Atiyyah has restricted the "ijtihad' of
the qurra'to two things in the quoted paragraph:
1) What was transmitted to the qurra' i.e. transmission.
2) Especially those Readings that agreed with the rasm (lasiyyamā mā wafaqa
khațț al-mușķaf).
Continuing to champion the case of ijtihad, Nasser then interprets a statement of Ibn
Mujahid to mean that the differences in the qira'at are similar to the differences in
ahkām (legal rulings) i.e. "if the disagreements on aķkām and Qirā'āt are of similar
nature, such disagreements ought to be the outcome of ijtihad."178 (Nasser, 2013: 49-
50). He writes:
"Ibn Mujahid starts by comparing the differences in Qira'at and the
disagreements among the readers to the differences in aķkām (legal
rulings) and the disagreements among the fuqaha' 'ikhtilafa n-nāsu fi 1-
qirā'āti ka-mā khtalafū fi l-aķkām'. This short an underdeveloped phrase
is a very important statement which was not given much attention."
(Nasser, 2013: 49).
178 Nasser writes that "In the same manner, the fuqaha' argue among each other by discussing, criticizing, refuting,
and even yielding to each other's arguments and ahkam, for there are no absolute proofs that this or that legal
ruling was acknowledged or rejected by the Prophet. The fuqaha' try to comprehend and determine the sharifah
rules set and laid down by God through their devised principles of law (usul al-figh), which generally comprise
Qur'an, traditions, ijmā‘ and qiyas (analogy). They agree on some points and disagree on others. Similarly, I
believe that Ibn Mujahid and the early Muslim scholars and Qur'an readers were also trying to determine the
"shari'ah" of the Qur'an as revealed by God i.e. the closest way in which the Prophet had recited the Qur'an when
it was revealed to him." (Nasser, 2013: 61).
49

Nasser regards this statement of Ibn Mujahid as "underdeveloped" and that it "was
not given much attention". This notion of Nasser is refuted by Nöldeke when he
explains that
"the fundamental difference between figh and the Koranic readings. In
figh there are given facts, and on the basis of usul the mujtahīd passes the
appropriate hukm, but still on the basis of individual judgement. If the
decision consists of choosing between different possibilities, these
themselves are thus construed by him and his equals at the time when
the problem is considered. In the science of Koranic variant readings
different possibilities exist a priori, which, according to the prevalent
dogma, are all equally divine so that the reader need do no more than
choose from among them." (Nöldeke, 2013: 487).
Similar to Nöldeke, Ibn al-Jazarī acknowledges that the qurra' have ikhtilaf the same
as the fugaha', but highlights the distinct difference between the two: the latter is
based upon ijtihad which could hold the possibility of error while in qira'at all are
equally correct (if they meet the required prerequisites, of course). The ascription of a
reading to an individual or one of the eponymous readers does not mean that they
invented the reading based upon ijtihad, but that the individual selected that
particular manner of reading (ikhtiyar) based upon a host of transmissions that he
had grasped from his teachers. Those Qur'anic readings eventually became renowned
as "his reading" e.g. the reading of Nafi', the reading of Ibn Kathir, etc.179 The
ascription of the Qur'anic readings to individuals were even used to identify the
readings of the Companions and the Successors. Ibn al-Jazarī documents that the
Successor, Said ibn Jubayr used to lead the prayer during the month of Ramadan. He
would then recite the gira'ah of Ibn Mas'ud the one night followed by the qira'ah of
Zayd ibn Thabit the next night.180 The word "harf' would be used synonymously as
179 Dānī, Jāmi‘ al-Bayān: 37; Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr. 1/52.
180 Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-Nihāyah: 1/305.
50

gira'ah. For example, A'mash would recite (yujawwid) the harf of Ibn Mas ud and Ibn
Abī Layla would recite the harf of 'Alī. 181
Dutton has also given attention to this "underdeveloped" statement, elaborating that
"Ibn Mujahid (d. 324/936) says that the scholars of Islam 'differ with
regard to readings as they differ with regard to legal judgements'. In
other words, just as there are differences in the details of the law - most
easily recognized in the differences between the different madhhabs
(schools of law) - so, too, are there differences on the level of detail with
regard to how to read the Qur'an. Similarly, just as the differences of figh
were to become simplified - or we could say restricted or standardized -
to four madhhabs (i.e. those named after Abū Hanīfa, Malik, al-Shafi'ī,
and Ahmad ibn Hanbal, assuming a Sunnī point of view), so too did the
different ways of reciting the Qur'an become simplified - or again we
could say restricted or standardized - to seven readings, in particular by
Ibn Mujahid himself ... " (Dutton, 2011: 4).
Furthermore, it seems farfetched that this statement of Ibn Mujahid infers unrestricted
ijtihad if one gauges the context in which this statement appears in the book. In the
topic discussions that appear immediately after it in Kitab al-Sabah, Ibn Mujahid
presents numerous statements from the Companions emphasizing that one not
become an innovator but instead, adhere to earlier precedents with regards to the
Qur'anic readings.182 Additionally, subsequent to this in Kitab al-Sabah, why would
181 Ibn al-Jazarī, Ghayat al-Nihāyah: 1/262.
182 Ibn Mujahid dedicates a number of pages at the start of Kitab al-Sab'ah quoting reports of his predecessors to
affirm this practice of transmission. I have mentioned them in my commentary of line seven of al-Khaqāniyyah,
who also emphasizes the following of tradition with regards to Qur'anic reading as opposed to ijtihad. Some of the
statements quoted by Ibn Mujahid are:
•
Ibn Mas'ūd stated: "Follow (ittabi'ū) [the experts with regards to recitation] and do no innovate (la
tabtadi'ū)". He also said: "Recite as you have been taught".
51

Ibn Mujahid have a chapter heading titled "the chains of transmission through which
the gira'ah has been transmitted to us" (al-asanīd allatī naqalat ilaynā al-qira'ah), then
dedicate pages 88-101 in documenting his transmission chains (asānīd) for the seven
qirā'āt, if the qirā'āt was based upon ijtihad?
Nasser continues his challenge for ijtihad in the gira'at and attempts to show that the
gira'āt do not stem from the Prophet Muhammad &
,
but only reaches the
eponymous Readers. In doing so, he wishes to support his argument that the readings
are no longer divine, but due to the ijtihad of the qurra'. He mentions this numerous
times in his work. (See for example: Nasser, 2013: 49, 52, 53). In substantiating this,
he argues for example, that
"Ibn Mujahid is not keen to meticulously demonstrate the "sound"
transmission of his chosen canonical Readings from the eponymous
Readers down to the Prophet. For example, he [Ibn Mujahid] says that
Ibn Kathir studied with Mujahid ibn Jabr (d. 104/722), who studied with
Ibn 'Abbās (d. 68-69/686-687), who in turn studied with Ubayy b. Kab
(d. 21/642). This is the only isnad Ibn Mujahid mentions to document
Ibn Kathir's Reading." (Nasser, 2013: 51).
Nasser shows that the transmission only reaches Ubayy ibn Ka'b
and not the
Prophet
.
However, in the chapter before the asanid of the Seven Qurra', Ibn
Mujahid relates, via transmission, historical accounts about the Seven eponymous
Readers. Here, Ibn Mujahid mentions seven times that Ubayy ibn Ka'b read to the
· 'Alī dog said: "The Prophet has instructed you to read the Qur'an as you have been taught".
•
Zayd ibn Thabit 40% stated: "Recitation is a practice followed (sunnah)".
· Muhammad ibn Munkadir said: "Recitation of the Qur'an is a followed practice; the latter grasps it from
the former".
· 'Āmir al-Sha bī said: "Recitation is a practice followed, so read as those before you read".
See Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 46-52.
52

Prophet Muhammad.183 The reason why Kitab al-Sab'ah does link the transmissions of
the Seven Qurra' to the Prophet
when presenting the asanīd, is simply because the
teachers and the link of the Seven eponymous Readers to the Prophet has been
mentioned in the chapter before it already. 184
Nasser's misquotation and selective quotations does very little to support his stance of
ijtihad with regards to the qira'āt. Unfortunately, it also brings much of his research
on qira'at under question.
183 See Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: pp. 55, 56, 57, 64, 69, 72 and 83.
184 See Ibn Mujahid, al-Sabah: 53-87.
53

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