النص المفهرس

life there as a student, debater and teacher. The sources in our possession do
not mention his father's life or what his occupation and circumstances were
but certain things about his circumstances can be deduced. He must have
been wealthy, a merchant, and a good Muslim. In most books which recount
the biography of Abu Hanifa, it states that his father met 'Ali ibn Abi Talib as
a child and that his grandfather gave 'Ali some faludhaj1 on the day of
Nawruz. This indicates that his family were wealthy since they were able to
give the khalif sweets which only the wealthy ate.
It is related that 'Ali prayed for blessing for Thabit and his descendants when
he saw him. This shows that he must have been a Muslim. It explicitly states
in histories that Thabit was born into Islam and Abu Hanifa grew up in a
Muslim household. That is confirmed by all scholars.
We find Abu Hanifa frequenting the market before he frequented scholars.
We see that throughout his life he engaged in trade and so we must deduce
that his father was a merchant. It seems probable that he was a merchant in
khazz silk and that Abu Hanifa followed his father's occupation as is the
custom of people both past and present. It is also probable that, following the
custom of most wealthy city dwellers, he memorised the Qur'an. That
assumption tallies with what is known of Abu Hanifa being one of the people
who was very frequent in his recitation of the Qur'an. It is reported that he
used to recite the entire Qur'an seven times in Ramadan, and even if that is
an exaggeration, it is based on the fact that he recited the Qur'an a lot. Many
sources report that he learned recitation from Imam 'Asim, the source of one
of the seven recitations (qira'at) of the Qur'an.2
Kufa was one of the two great Iraqi cities of the time. Iraq was home to many
different religions, sects and beliefs and of various ancient civilisations.
Syriac Christians were dispersed throughout it and they had schools there
before Islam, in which Greek philosophy and the ancient wisdom of Persia
were studied. Before Islam, Iraq was also home to several Christian sects
where dogma was debated. After Islam, Iraq was a melting pot of diverse
races and a place rife with confusion and disorder. There were clashes of
opinion on politics and religion. The Shi'a and Mu'tazilites were there as
well as the Kharijites in the desert. There were also the Tabi'un who strove to
take knowledge from the Companions they met.

1. Falu dh a j is a sweet made of ground almonds, sugar and rose-water; Nawruz is the
Persian New Year.
2. A qira'a is a method of recitation, punctuation and localisation of the Qur'an. There are
seven main readings: Abu 'Amr ibn al-'Ala', Hamza, 'Asim, Ibn 'Amir, Ibn Kathır, Nafi'
and al-Kisa'i.
Knowledge of the d e e n was transmitted freely there. It was an environment
of clashing sects and conflicting opinions.
Abu Hanifa observed these diverse currents and his intellect was sharpened
and sifted these differing views. It appears that while still in his youth he
debated and argued people from various sects. This reveals his upright
natural disposition. He concentrated, however, on commerce, going mainly to
the markets and rarely to scholars. This remained the state of things until one
day a scholar noticed his intelligence and cleverness and thought that he
should not devote himself entirely to trade. He told him to frequent the
scholars as he did the markets.
It is transmitted that Abu Hanifa said, "One day I was going past ash-Sha'bi
who was sitting down. He called to me, 'Where are you going?' I said, 'I am
going to the market.' He said, 'I do not frequent the market. I am concerned
with going to the scholars.' I told him, 'I rarely frequent them.' He told me,
'Do not be heedless. You must look into knowledge and sit with the scholars.
I discern alertness and energy in you.' That affected my heart and I ceased to
frequent the market and began to turn to knowledge and Allah let me benefit
from what he said." (Virtues of Abu Hanifa, al-Makki, pt. 1, p. 59) After ash-
Sha'bi's advice, Abu Hanifa turned to knowledge and frequented the circles
of the scholars.
His involvement in learning
But to which group did he go? As is seen from the historical sources, there
were three fields of knowledge at that time: circles which discussed the
fundamentals of dogma, which was the arena of the different sects; circles
which studied the h a d i t h s of the Messenger of Allah, may Allah bless him
and grant him peace; and circles which deduced fiqh from the Book and
Sunna and gave fatwa about things which arose.

We have three versions of what happened. One mentions that when he
devoted himself to knowledge, he turned to fi q h a ft e r examining all the
sciences which were known at that time. Tw o other versions clearly state
that he first selected the science of kalam and debated with the sects and then
Allah directed him to fiqh to which he completely devoted himself. We will
examine the three versions.
It is related by various paths, including Abu Yusuf, that Abu Hanifa was
asked, "How did you happen to come to fiqh?" He replied, "I will tell you.
Success is from Allah and praise is His as He deserves and merits. When I
wanted to learn knowledge, I looked at all the forms of knowledge and read
some of them and thought about the end and usefulness of each. I said, 'I will
go into k a l a m.' Then I looked and found that it had a bad aim and
contained little benefit. When a man is proficient in it, he cannot speak
openly and cast aside every evil and is likely to be called a sectarian.
"Then I examined literature and grammar, and found that the logical end of
that discipline is to sit with a child and teach him grammar and literature. I
examined poetry and saw that its end was eulogy, satire, lies and tearing apart
the de e n. Then I thought about the forms of Qur'an recitation (qira'at) and
said, 'When I reach the end of it, young people will gather to read with me
and discuss the Qur'an and its meanings and that is difficult.' So I said, 'I
will seek hadith.' But then I said, 'To amass a lot of it I will have to have a
long life before I will be of any use to people, and even then only youths will
gather around me who will probably accuse me of lying and poor memory
and that will be a burden for me until the Day of Rising.'
"Then I turned to figh and no matter which way I looked at it, it only
increased in esteem and I could not find any fault in it. I saw that it involved
sitting with scholars, fuqa ha', shaykhs and people of insight and taking on
their character. I saw that it is only by knowing it that the obligations are
properly performed and the d e e n and worship established. Seeking this
world and the Next World can only be done through it. If anyone desires to
seek this world through it, he seeks a weighty matter and will be elevated by
it. If someone wants to worship and divest himself, no one can s a y, 'He
worships without knowledge.' Rather it will be said, 'This is fiqh and acting
by knowledge.""

This anedote is illustrative of the sciences which were prevalent in his time
and shows that he chose between them as he was inclined.
The second transmission is reported from Yahya ibn Shayban. He reports that
Abu Hanifa said: "I was a man given to debate in kalam and spent some time
indulging in it. The people of debate and disputation were mostly located in
Basra. So I went to Basra about twenty times, staying more or less a year
each time. I argued with the groups of Kharijites: Ibadites, Sufrites and other
Kharijite sects. I considered kalam to be the queen of the sciences. I used to
say that kalam was the basis of the deen.
"Then I reconsidered after a considerable part of my life had been spent
involved in it. I reflected and realised that the Companions of the Prophet and
the Ta bi ' un knew as much as we know and had more capacity, more
understanding and better knowledge of the truth of matters. But they did not
have arguments about it and did not delve into it. They withheld from doing
that and forbade it strenuously. I saw them dealing with laws and areas of
fiqh and speaking about such matters. That was what they sat to learn and
those were the circles they attended. That was what they used to teach people
and what they invited them to learn and what they encouraged them in. They
gave fat w a and were asked for fatwa concerning matters of fiqh.
"That was the standpoint of the Companions, and the Tabi'un followed them
in it. When their mode of behaviour became clear to us, we left debate,
argument and delving into kalam and confined ourselves to the basic
knowledge of fiqh and we returned to the position of the Salaf, taking from
what they left and legislating as they legislated. The people of knowledge sat
with us for that reason and I saw that those who were involved in k a l a m
and debating were people whose trait was not that of our noble predecessors
and whose path was not that of the righteous. I saw them as being hard-
hearted and thick-skinned. They were not worried about the fact that they
were conflicting with the Book and the Sunna and the righteous Salaf and
that they had neither scrupulousness nor fear of Allah."
The third transmission is reported from Zafar ibn alHudhayl, the student of
Abu Hanifa, who stated: "I heard Abu Hanifa say, 'I used to look into k a l a
m until I was advanced in it and people pointed me out. We used to sit near
the circle of Hammad ibn Abi Sulayman. One day a woman came to us and

said, "A man has a wife who is a slave girl whom he wants to divorce
according to the Sunna. How many times should he pronounce the divorce?"
I told her to ask Hammad and then come back and tell me. She asked him and
he said, "He should divorce her once at a time when she is not menstruating
and he has not had intercourse with her and then leave her until she has
menstruated two more times. Then when she has purified herself she may
remarry." She returned and told us what he had said. I said, "I have no further
use for kalam," and took my sandals and sat with Hammad. I used to listen to
his questions and learned what he said and then went back again day after
day. I remembered while his other students erred. He said, "Only Abu Hanifa
should sit opposite me at the front of the circle."""
These three transmissions are related in various forms but all bear the same
import. It is clear that he chose fi q h after looking into other fields of
knowledge, and two say that he was skilled in k a l a m before turning to f i q
h. It cannot be denied that his final interest was knowledge of fiqh.
Abu Hanifa experienced the full Islamic culture of his age. He memorised the
Qur'an with the reading of 'Asim. He knew a considerable amount of h a dit
h, grammar, literature and poetry. He debated with the different sects on
questions of dogma and related matters. He travelled to Basra to do this and
sometimes remained there for a year. But then he moved on to fiqh.
Abu Hanifa turned to figh and immersed himself in it as he had done with the
different sects, studying the f a t w a s of the great shaykhs of his time. He
devoted himself to one of them and took benefit from him. He thought that a
seeker of f i q h should take from various different shaykhs and live in their
environment but devote himself to a particular distinguished f a q i h in order
to be trained by him and so be able to understand the fiqh of subtle questions.
During his time, Kufa was the home of the fuqaha' of Iraq as Basra was the
home of the different sects and those who delved into the principles of
dogma. Kufa was the intellectual environment which influenced him.
Explaining that, he said, "I was situated in a lode of knowledge and fiqh. I sat
with its people and devoted myself to one of their fuqaha'."
Abu Hanifa devoted himself to Hammad ibn Abi Sulayman, studied fi q h
with him, and remained with him until his death. There are three questions

which need answering concerning this. One is the age of Abu Hanifa when he
first stayed with Hammad and devoted himself to fiqh? The second concerns
his age when he became an independent teacher? And the third concerns
whether his devotion to his teacher was so total as to preclude contact with
the knowledge of others.
There is, in fact, no way that we can know the age when Abu Hanifa turned
to fi q h or took up with Hammad. All we know is that he stayed with
Hammad until he died. He did not start teaching on his own until after
Hammad died when he took the latter's place in his circle which was vacated
by his death. Hammad died in 120 AH when Abu Hanifa must have been in
his forties. So Abu Hanifa did not teach independently until after he was forty
and fully developed, physically and intellectually. He thought about
becoming independent before that, but did not do so.
It is related from Zafar that Abu Hanifa said about his connection to his
shaykh Hammad, "I accompanied him for ten years and then my self urged
me to seek leadership and I wanted to withdraw and have my own circle. One
day I went out in the evening resolved to do so that but when I entered the
mosque, I saw that I would not be happy to withdraw from him and went and
sat with him. That night Hammad heard that a relative of his in Basra had
died leaving property and had no other heir but him. He told me to sit in his
place while he was away. I replied to questions I had not heard answered by
him and wrote down my replies. When he returned I showed him the
questions - there were about sixty of them. He agreed with me on forty and
disagreed on twenty. I decided not to leave him until he or I died and that was
what I did."
It is reckoned that he was with him for eighteen years and it is related that he
said, "I came to Basra and thought that I would not be asked about anything
which I could not answer. Then they asked me about things which I could not
answer so I decided that I would not leave Hammad until he or I died. I kept
his company for eighteen years."
If we study his life, it will be seen that this was not exclusive since he often
went on hajj to the House of Allah, and in Makka and Madina he met a
number of scholars, many of whom were Ta b i ' u n and his encounter with
them was only for the sake of knowledge. He related hadiths from them,

debated fiqh with them, and studied their methods. Thus he had many
shaykhs. There were also those from whom he related regarding the different
sects. It is confirmed that he studied with Zayd ibn 'Ali Zayn al-'Abidin and
Ja'far as-Sadiq, who were Shi'ite Imams, and 'Abdullah ibn Hasan. He
studied with some of the Kaysaniyya who believed in the return of the hidden
mahdi.
So he met and studied with other scholars while he was with Hammad,
especially the Tabi'un who had learned directly from the Companions and
were distinguished for figh and ijtihad. He stated, "I learned the fiqh of
'Umar, the fiqh of 'Ali, the fiqh of 'Abdullah ibn Mas'ud and the fiqh of Ibn
'Abbas from their companions."
His replacing Hammad ibn Abi Sulayman
When Abu Hanifa was in his forties, he took the place of his shaykh,
Hammad, in Kufa and began to teach his students regarding the problems
they presented for f a t w a, cases, analogies and examples with his capable,
orderly intellect and direct, logical mind and thus set up that method of fiqh
from which the Hanafi school is derived. However, before continuing to
discuss the course of his life and what is connected to it, we must first
consider two further important aspects of his life: his livelihood and source of
income and how the events of his time affected him.
Historical deduction leads us to conclude that Abu Hanifa's father and
grandfather were wealthy merchants, and it is probable that they traded in
khazz-silk which was a very profitable business. Abu Hanifa carried on in the
family business until his conversation with ash-Sha'bi after which he devoted
himself to knowledge. Did he give up commerce altogether? The transmitters
are agreed that he did not but remained a merchant until his death. They
mention that he had a partner and it appears that this partner enabled him to
continue to seek knowledge, teach fiqh and transmit hadith. This trustworthy
partner must have prevented him from having to go to the markets. There
were other scholars who combined trade and knowledge such as Wasil ibn
'Ata', the shaykh of the Mu'tazilites who was Abu Hanifa's contemporary.
He was born in the same year and was a Persian like him. He also lived off
his trade and had a partner who was a relative and dealt with business on his

behalf so that he could devote himself to his studies.
Abu Hanifa, the merchant, had four qualities connected to the behaviour of
people in business which made him a perfect example of the upright
merchant just as he was in the first rank among scholars:
. He was wealthy and not controlled by greed which impoverishes souls. This
may be due to having grown up in a wealthy home and never having tasted
need.
. He was very trustworthy in all he did.
. He was generous and Allah protected him from avarice.
. He was very devout and religious. He worshipped a lot, fasting in the day
and praying at night.
These qualities combined to define his business dealings so that he was
unusual among merchants. Many people compared him to Abu Bakr as-
Siddiq in that respect. It was as if by imitating Abu B a k r's example and
proceeding on his path, he was one of the Salaf who are followed. Both his
buying and selling were trustw o r t h y. A woman brought a silk garment to
sell and he asked, "How much is it?" She replied, "A hundred." He said "It is
worth more than a hundred. How much?" She kept increasing it by hundreds
until she reached four hundred and he said, "It should be more than that." She
said, "You are mocking me." He said, "Bring a man to value it." She brought
a man and he bought it for five hundred.
Thus we see that he was circumspect in buying as well as selling and did not
see the heedlessness of the seller as something to be taken advantage of, but
thought that it was necessary to guide the person correctly. When he was the
seller, he would sometimes f o rgo profit if the buyer was weak or a friend,
alternatively, he would give him some of his excess profit.
A woman once came to him and said, "I am weak and I put myself in your
hands. Sell me this garment for what it cost you." He said, "Take it for four
dirhams." She retorted, "Do not mock me. I am an old woman." He said, "I
bought two garments and sold one of them for the cost of both less four
dirhams. This garment is then worth four dirhams."

Another time a friend came to him and asked him for a silk garment of a
certain description and colour. He told him, "Be patient until it comes and I
will get it for you, Allah willing." That happened before a week had passed
and he took the garment to his friend and said to him, "What you needed has
arrived." "How much is it then?" the friend asked. "A dirham," Abu Hanifa
replied. He said, "I did not think you would mock me." He said, "I am not
mocking you. I brought two garments for 20 dinars and a dirham. I sold one
for twenty dinars and this remains for a dirham."
There is no doubt that such behaviour involves giving or it is alms in the form
of buying and selling. It is not usual commerce. Rather, it tells us about the
inner character of that great merchant in himself, his trustworthiness,
intelligence, deen and fidelity, and illustrates the generosity in his heart.
He was very distressed about anything which was tainted by the possibility of
wrong action, even if such was unlikely. If he thought that there was any
wrong action involved in a transaction, or suspected it in connection with any
property he had, he would take it and give it as charity to the poor and needy.
It is reported that he sent his partner, Hafs ibn 'Abdu'r-Rahman, with some
goods and told him that there was a fault in one garment and that he must
make the fault clear when he sold it. Hafs sold the goods and forgot to point
out the flaw and he did not know who had bought it. When Abu Hanifa
learned of that, he gave the entire value of the garment away as charity.
(History of Baghdad, pt. 13, p. 58)
In spite of this scrupulousness and not being satisfied with anything that was
not absolutely lawful, his trade was profitable and so he often spent on
shaykhs and hadith scholars. It states in The History of Baghdad: "He used to
accrue profit from one year to the next and he would use it to provide for the
requirements of the shaykhs and scholars: their food and garments and all
their needs. Then he would give the remaining dinars of profit to them and
say, "Buy what you need and only praise Allah. I have not given you any
money. It is simply part of Allah's bounty to you." (pt. 13, p. 360)
The profit of his trade was used to preserve the dignity of scholars and
provide for their needs and to enable people of knowledge to dispense with
official stipends. He was also keen about his appearance which was reported
to be good. He was very concerned about his clothes and chose the best so

that his cloak was worth thirty dinars. He had a good appearance and wore a
lot of scent. Abu Yusuf said, "He used to take care of even his sandal straps
so that he was never seen with a broken strap."
In the same way that he was concerned with his own attire and appearance,
he was also concerned with that of others. For instance, it is reported that he
saw one of his companions wearing a poor garment and ordered him to wait
until the assembly had departed so that he alone remained. He told him, "Lift
the prayer mat and take what is under it." The man lifted it and there was
1000 dirhams under it. He told him, "Take these dirhams and change your
state with them." The man said, "I am wealthy and well-off. I do not need it."
He told him, "Have you not heard the hadith, 'Allah loves the trace of his
blessing to appear on His servant'? For this reason you must change your
state, so that your friend is not grieved by you."
His position in respect of the revolutionary movements
of his time
We know turn to something which had a strong effect on the course of Abu
Hanifa's life: his position in respect to the revolutionary movements of his
time, the extent of their effect on him, what assitance he gave to the
instigators, and what was his relationship with those in authority. It is vital to
ascertain these matters since the trial which ended his life was connected to
them to the extent that one could say, it was a case of direct cause and effect.
What took place was connected to something which had happened in his
youth.
Abu Hanifa lived for fifty-two years under Umayyad rule and eighteen years
under Abbasid rule. He experienced both Muslim dynasties. He knew the
Umayyads when they were strong and when they were in their decline. He
experienced the Abbasid state when it was in a missionary stage in the
Persian lands, when it was e m e rging newly-fledged from its hidden lair,
and then when it became a movement which defeated the Umayyads and
wrested sovereignty from them, imposing on the people an authority which
they considered to be religious because its khalifs were among the relatives
of the Messenger of Allah. So the people were impelled to it by both desire
and terror.

Abu Hanifa was aware of this and it had an effect on him, even if it is not
known that he participated with those who rebelled. Most of the reports about
his position make it clear that his heart was with the 'Alawites when they
rebelled first against the Umayyads, and then later when they rebelled against
the Abbasids.
It is related that when Zayd ibn 'Ali Zayn al-'Abidin rebelled against Hisham
in 121 AH, Abu Hanifa said, "His going forth resembles that of the
Messenger of Allah on the Day of Badr." He was asked, "Did you not stay
behind?" He said, "People's trusts kept me from him. I offered them to Ibn
Abi Layla but he did not accept them. So I feared that I would die without
them being known." It is reported that he said about not accompanying Zayd,
"If I had known that people would not disappoint him as they did his father, I
would have striven with him because he is a true Imam. Nonetheless I helped
him with my property and sent him 10,000 dirhams and told the messenger,
'Give him my excuse."" (al-Manaqib, al-Bazzazi, pt. 1, p. 55)
This indicates that he considered the rebellion against the Umayyads to be
legally permissible when there was a just Imam like Imam Zayd and that he
wanted to bear arms with him. But the sources do not indicate that he did not
anticipate a good result. The action was correct, but nothing was achieved
because of lack of support. Nonetheless he supported him with money.
Imam Zayd's rebellion ended in his death in 132 AH, after which his son
Yahya rebelled in Khorasan in 135 AH and was also killed. Then 'Abdullah
ibn Yahya continued to pursue their cause and fought against the general
whom Marwan II sent to Yemen at the end of the Umayyad era, and he too
was killed as had been the fate of his fathers before him.
So this illustrates what Abu Hanifa thought of Zayd ibn 'Ali and how he
compared his expedition to that of the Prophet at Badr. He considered him to
be a just Imam and supported him financially so as not to be one of those
who stayed behind. He saw him slain, and then his son was killed after him
and then his grandson as well. It is likely that he was distressed by their
deaths. When scholars are angry, their tongues can accomplish what swords
cannot. Their blows are stronger and sharper. What befell him from the
Umayyad governor in Iraq in 130 AH supports that. It is stated in al-Makki's
The Virtues of Abu Hanifa and in other sources and history books that Yazid

ibn 'Umar ibn Hubayra, Marwan's governor of Iraq, sought out Abu Hanifa
to appoint him qadi or to put him in charge of the exchequer. Sedition was
rife at that time in Iraq, Khorasan and Persia because of Abbasid agitators.
This is what al-Makki says about what happened:
Ibn Hubayra was the governor of Kufa for the Umayyads. There were
seditions in Iraq and he gathered the fuqaha' of Iraq at his door, including Ibn
Abi Layla, Ibn Shibrama, and Da'ud ibn Abi Hind. He appointed each of
them to high post. Then he sent for Abu Hanifa and wanted to put the seal in
his hand so that no document would be implemented except at the hand of
Abu Hanifa. But Abu Hanifa refused and Ibn Hubayra swore that if he did
not accept, he would flog him.
Those fuqaha' said to him, "We beseech you by Allah not to destroy yourself.
We are your brothers and we all are forced to comply in this business and can
find no way to avoid it."
Abu Hanifa said, "If he wanted me to restore the doors of the Wasit Mosque
for him I would not undertake to do it. What should I do when he wants me
to write that a man should have his head cut off and seal the document? By
Allah, I will never become involved in that!"
"Let your companion alone." said Ibn Abi Layla to the others. "He is right
and others are wrong."
The authorities imprisoned Abu Hanifa and he was flogged on consecutive
days. The flogger came to Ibn Hubayra and told him, "The man will die."
Ibn Hubayra said, "Tell him: 'We will banish anyone who lies to us.""
He asked Abu Hanifa to submit but he said, "If he were to ask me to restore
the doors of the mosque for him, I would not do it."
Then the flogger met with Ibn Hubayra again who said, "Is there no sincere
adviser of this prisoner to ask me for a reprieve which we can grant him?"
That was mentioned to Abu Hanifa who said, "Let me consult my brothers."
He did so and Ibn Hubayra commanded that he be let go and he went Makka
in 139 AH. He remained in Makka until the Abbasids came and then returned
to Kufa during the time of al-Mansur."
So al-Makki and others mention that Ibn Hubayra offered a post to Abu

Hanifa and he refused. He thought that Ibn Hubayra wanted to appoint him to
some office to confirm his loyalty or prove his suspicions against him. He
offered him the seal but Abu Hanifa refused. He asked him to accept a
general post but he refused even though he was severely beaten until his head
was swollen and breathing became difficult for him. He did not weaken or
weep until he learned that his mother was grieved by what had happened to
him. Then his eyes filled with tears as he was pained by her pain and
compassionate on her behalf. Such is the truly strong person; he is not
concerned for himself but only concerned for others.
Abu Hanifa fled to Makka after the flogging and remained there from 130
AH until the Abbasids were in power. He was safe in the Haram while the
seditions were rife throughout the khalifate. He devoted himself to the hadith
and fiqh which came from the knowledge of Ibn 'Abbas. He met his students
there and discussed knowledge with them. Al-Mansur came to power in 136.
Abu Hanifa was in Makka from 130 AH which means he stayed at least six
years in the vicinity of the Haram.
It also reports in The Virtues by al-Makki that Abu Hanifa was in Kufa when
Abu'l-'Abbas as-Saffah entered it and asked for people to give him their
allegiance.
When Abu'l-'Abbas came to Kufa, he gathered the scholars and said, "This
command has come to the people of the House of your Prophet and Allah has
brought you good and established the truth. You are the scholars and it is
more proper for you to assist it. You will have gifts, honour and hospitality
from the property of Allah as you wish. So pledge allegiance to your Imam as
evidence for and against you and security for your Life to Come. Do not meet
Allah without an Imam and be those who have no evidence on their behalf."
The people looked at Abu Hanifa and he said, "Do you want me to speak on
my own and your behalf?"
"We do," they said.
"I praise Allah," he said, "Who has conveyed the right of Imamate to the kin
of His Prophet and ended for us the oppression of injustice and has released
our tongues with the truth. We give you homage based on the command of
Allah and fidelity to you by your contract until the Hour comes. Allah has not
removed this matter from the kin of His Prophet, may Allah bless him and

grant him peace."
A s - S a ffah answered him well. "Someone like you speaks for the scholars.
They did well to choose you and you conveyed well."
This would suggest that Abu Hanifa was in Kufa when asS a ffah came there
and received allegiance before 136 AH. This conflicts with the report that he
did not come to Kufa until alMansur was khalif, i.e. in 136 AH or afterwards.
I think it is possible to reconcile the two. If Abu Hanifa fled to Makka from
Ibn Hubayra and stayed there until Ibn Hubayra and his dynasty were out of
Iraq, he could have gone to Kufa when asS a ffah went there and pledged
allegiance to him. However, the sedition continued in Iraq and matters were
not completely settled so he returned to Makka. He may have gone back and
forth between the two cities until things were in order in the time of
alMansur. Then he came back to Kufa and stayed there and restored his circle
in the mosque. His circle did not resume until things were more settled in Iraq
and the Abbasids firmly established. That only happened during the khalifate
of al-Mansur.
His relations with the Abbasids
That Abu Hanifa welcomed the arrival of the Abbasids is indicated by his
behaviour with Abu'l-'Abbas as-Saffah. This is in harmony with his past
experience because he had observed the oppression which 'Ali's descendants
had suffered at the hands of the Umayyads. When the Abbasids first came to
power they did so as a dynasty which had started as a Shi'ite movement,
stating that they would hand over power to one of the descendants of 'Ali.
Once in power, the dynasty was Hashimite, but from descendants of the
Prophet's uncle not 'Ali. They then had to put down 'Alawite rebellions on
the part of those whom they in their turn had wronged.
Abu Hanifa continued to support the Abbasids on account of his love for the
entire family of the Prophet. Al-Mansur used to bring him near to him,
esteem him and offer him generous gifts but he refused them with gentleness
and use of stratagems. An estrangement took place between al-Mansur and
his wife because he inclined away from her and she asked him to be fair. He
asked her whom she would be content with as an arbiter and she chose Abu

Hanifa. Al-Mansur was happy with that and Abu Hanifa was summoned.
He said to him, "Abu Hanifa, this free woman contends with me. Give me my
right against her."
Abu Hanifa said, "Let the Amir al-Mu'minin speak."
"Abu Hanifa," he replied, "How many wives can a man marry at the same
time?"
"Four," he replied.
"How many slavegirls is he allowed?"
"As many as he likes," was the reply.
"Is anyone permitted to say anything different?"
"No," replied the Imam.
"You have heard," said the khalif.
But Abu Hanifa continued, "Allah has allowed this to the people of fairness.
If, however, anyone is not fair or fears that he will not be fair he should only
have one. Allah Almighty says, 'But if you are afraid of not treating them
equally, then only one.' (4:3) So we must follow the discipline of Allah and
take heed of His admonitions."
Al-Mansur was silent for a long time. Then Abu Hanifa got up and left.
When he reached his house, the khalif's wife sent him a servant with money,
clothes, a slavegirl and an Egyptian donkey. He refused the gift and told the
servant, "Give her my greeting and tell her that she endangers my deen. I did
that for Allah, not desiring anything from anyone."
It is not known that Abu Hanifa was against Abbasid rule until punitive
action was taken against the sons of 'Ali and there was a strong dispute
between the Abbasids and them. It is known that he was loyal to the sons of
'Ali, partisan on their behalf, and that he preferred them, so it was natural that
he should become angry when they were angry, especially when those who
rebelled against al-Mansur were Muhammad an-Nafs az-Zakiya (Pure Soul)
and his brother Ibrahim. Their father was one of those connected by
scholarship to Abu Hanifa - The Book of Virtues mentions him as one of his
shaykhs from whom he transmitted. When his sons rebelled, 'Abdullah was
in al-Mansur's prison where he died after his sons were killed.
That is why we see words related from Abu Hanifa showing resentment
against the Abbasids during the rebellion of these 'Alawites and after their
deaths. It is clear that, at that time, he did not think that loyalty to the
Abbasids was correct but, as had been the case with him in the past, his
resentment never exceeded verbal criticism and stating his loyalty to the

'Alawites. He took no action. Such is the action of scholars who are only a
little distracted from their knowledge by their devotion for those they love.
AlMansur was aware of this and he overlooked it sometimes and sought
information at other times until the tragedy occurred.
Muhammad Pure Soul rebelled against al-Mansur in Madina in 145 AH and
was supported by the people of Khorasan and others but he was too far away
for them to be able to help him. It is reported that in Madina, Malik issued a f
atwa, permitting Muhammad to rebel. At-Tabari and Ibn Kathir state
that he gave a fatwa commanding people to pledge allegiance to Muhammad
ibn 'Abdullah and that when people said that they had already pledged
allegiance to al-Mansur, he said that they had been forced and that a forced
allegiance is not binding. So people pledged allegiance. Malik stayed in his
house. The affair ended when Muhammad was slain, and the same fate befell
his brother Ibrahim after he had rebelled in Iraq, takes several cities and
attacked Kufa. Some people think that this alleged fatwa by Malik was the
reason that he was flogged and injured. Abu Hanifa held an even stronger
position about the matter than Malik. He openly supported them in his
classes. Things reached the point where one of the generals of al-Mansur
refused to go out to fight him.
It is reported that al-Hasan ibn Qahtaba, one of al-Mansur's generals, went to
Abu Hanifa and said, "My situation is not hidden from you. Can I repent?"
The Imam said, "If Allah knows that you regret what you have done. If you
can choose between killing a Muslim and being killed yourself, choose your
own death before his. Then you will have a contract with Allah if you do not
go back on it. If you fulfil that, you have repented."
"I have done that," said Hasan. "I make a contract with Allah that I will never
again kill a Muslim."
Then Ibrahim ibn 'Abdullah rebelled and al-Mansur commanded Hasan to go
against him. He went to the Imam and told him what had happened and he
said, "The moment of your repentance has come. If you fulfil your promise,
you have repented. Otherwise, you will be punished for the first and last."
So he was serious about his repentance, prepared himself for execution, and
went to al-Mansur and said, "I will not go against this man. Allah is owed
obedience in everything you do as far as you are able. I will have a fuller
portion with Him. If it is disobedience, I am responsible."
Al-Mansur was angry and Hamid ibn Qahtaba, his brother, said, "We have
suspected his mind for a year. He seems muddled. I will go. I am more
entitled to excellence than him." So he went.

Al-Mansur asked one of his confidants, "Which faqih does he go to?" They
said, "He frequents Abu Hanifa."
If this is true, al-Mansur would regard it as a very dangerous thing for the
state because Abu Hanifa had gone beyond the bounds of simple criticism
and emotional loyalty into the sphere of positive action, even if his action
was confined to a f a t w a. The faqih must give good counsel in the deen of
Allah and not recommend corruption.
Whatever the truth of this transmission, it is reliably confirmed that Abu
Hanifa openly stated his criticism of the khalif and his behaviour towards the
'Alawites. That is in accord with his past behaviour and his links to the
descendants of 'Ali. He was linked with Zayd, as we said, and also had a firm
connection to Ja'far asSadiq. Muhammad al-Baqir was also connected to
him. He was a student of 'Abdullah ibn Hasan, the father of Ibrahim and
Muhammad, as we previously stated. They had his loyalty and he was pained
by what befell them.
Abu Hanifa's position was not hidden from the ever- watch fulal - Man
s u r, especially in Kufa. That is why he wanted to test his loyalty and
obedience when the opportunity arose. He was in the process of building
Baghdad and wanted to appoint Abu Hanifa q a d i there but he refused. Al-
Mansur insisted on him accepting some post, whatever it was. So his aim was
evident. Abu Hanifa perceived his intention and wanted to avoid it. It is
related that eventually he agreed to count the bricks in the construction.
At-Tabari summarised the situation in this way.
Al-Mansur wanted Abu Hanifa to be in charge of the judges but he refused.
Al-Mansur swore that he must accept a post while Abu Hanifa swore that he
would not. So he put him in charge of overseeing the construction of the city;
making the bricks and getting men for the work. He undertook that until they
finished the city wall next to the ditch. Al-Haytham ibn Adi mentioned that
al-Mansur o ffered Abu Hanifa the post of q a d i but he refused. He swore
that he would not leave him alone until he undertook a post for him. That was
reported to Abu Hanifa and he called for a measuring rod and counted the
bricks and thus fulfilled al-Mansur's oath. Al-Mansur ignored Abu Hanifa for
a time, but not completely. Things were reported to him from time to time,
but he deferred taking action.
Before going on to mention some of these matters which made al-Mansur do
what he did without right, we can state that the tragedy which befell Abu

Hanifa was not the result of the rebellion of Ibrahim ibn 'Abdullah, the
brother of the Pure Soul. Abu Hanifa died in 150 AH, five years after the
rebellion and death of Ibrahim.
An analytic approach forces us to reject what al-Khatib relates in The History
of Baghdad from Zafar: "Abu Hanifa made strong public statements in the
time of Ibrahim. I told him, 'By Allah, you are in his favour so spare the
ropes from our necks.' It was not long before a letter came from al-Mansur to
'Isa ibn Musa ordering him to take Abu Hanifa to Baghdad. He lived for only
fifteen days after that."
As Ibrahim was killed in 145 AH, he could not have been taken directly
following that since five years had passed. History books often contain errors
of this sort and it is necessary to exercise caution about accepting them.
After the 'Alawite opposition to al-Mansur and his persecution of them and
execution of their leaders, Abu Hanifa was not pleased with his rule. He was
able to avert any harm from himself and directed himself to the path of
knowledge. But from time to time he would make certain statements or things
were revealed about his opinion of al-Mansur and his government. We will
mention two instances which aroused al-Mansur's suspicions about him.
One is when the people of Mosul rebelled against al-Mansur. Al-Mansur
imposed a condition on them which stated that if they rebelled, their blood
was lawful for him. So al-Mansur gathered the fuqaha' including Abu Hanifa
and said, "Is it not true that the Messenger of Allah said, 'Believers are those
who abide by their preconditions'? The people of Mosul accepted a condition
that they would not rebel against me. They have rebelled against my governor
and so their blood is lawful for me." A man said, "Your hand is extended
over them and your word is accepted among them. If you pardon, pardon
befits you. If you punish, it is according to what they deserve."
He asked Abu Hanifa, "What do you say, shaykh? Do we not have the
khalifate of the Prophet and a house of security?" He said, "You imposed on
them a precondition which they were incapable of fulfilling and you
stipulated for them something which is not within your right. The blood of a
Muslim is only lawful on account of one of three things. If you take them,
you take what is not lawful. The precondition of Allah has more right to be

observed." Al-Mansur commanded that the session be ended and they
dispersed. Then he called him and said, "Shaykh, the position is as you
stated. Go to your city but do not give people a f a t w a which will disgrace
your ruler and extend the domain of the Kharijites."
Here is what we find in al-Kamil by Ibn al-Athir on the events of 148 AH:
The populace of Hamdan were Shi'ites and al-Mansur decided to send armies
to Mosul and annihilate its inhabitants. He summoned Abu Hanifa, Ibn Abi
Layla and Ibn Shibrama and told them, 'The people of Mosul gave me their
word that they would not rebel, and that, if they were to do so, then their
blood and property would be fair game. They have rebelled.' Abu Hanifa was
silent. The two other men said, 'If you pardon your subjects, you are worthy
of that; and if you punish, it is because they deserve it.' He said to Abu
Hanifa, 'I see you are silent, shaykh.' He replied, 'Amir al-Mu'minin, they
made a contract they had no right to make. Do you think that if a woman
made her private parts lawful without a marriage contract or ownership, it
would be permitted to have intercourse with her?' 'No,' replied the former.
'No,' Abu Hanifa continued, 'So how can it be permitted for the people of
Mosul ?' AlMansur commanded that Abu Hanifa and his companions return
to Kufa. (pt. 5, p. 217)
There are some mistakes in the details of this account - for instance,
mentioning Ibn Shibrama as being with him on this occasion when the events
were in 148 AH whereas Ibn Shibrama died in 144, as Ibn al-Athir himself
says elsewhere.
The second incident which showed his view of al-Mansur's government is
when the latter sent him a gift to test to see if he would accept and he made
an excuse about it. We read in T h e Virtues by al-Makki:
Al-Mansur sent him a gift of 10,000 dirhams and a slavegirl. 'Abdu'l-Malik
ibn Hamid, al-Mansur's wazir, was a noble and generous man. He told Abu
Hanifa when he refused it, "I tell you by Allah, the Amir al-Mu'minin is
looking for a way to get at you. If you do not accept, you will confirm his
suspicions about you." He refused and so 'Abdu'l-Malik said, "As for the
money, give it out in stipends. As for the slavegirl, accept her from me or
make an excuse so that I can excuse you to the Amir alMu'minin." Abu

Hanifa said, "I am too weak for women. I am old and I do not consider it
lawful to accept a slavegirl with whom I cannot have relations and I would
not dare to sell a slavegirl which came from the property of the Amir al-
Mu'mimin."
Similar incidents took place between Abu Hanifa and alMansur and so he
kept him under surveillance. There were those in al-Mansur's retinue who
provoked him against Abu Hanifa and made him suspect his statements and
fatwas, but he continued to make statements and fatwas which he believed to
be true, unconcerned about whether people were pleased or angry as long as
he was pleasing to Allah, complying to the Truth and it satisfied his own
conscience.
Al-Khatib reported that Abu Yusuf said, "Al-Mansur summoned Abu Hanifa.
Ar-Rabi', the chamberlain of al-Mansur, who was hostile to Abu Hanifa,
said, 'Amir al-Mu'minin, Abu Hanifa contradicts your grandfather,
'Abdullah ibn 'Abbas. He stated that when someone swore an oath and then
made an exception a day or two later, the exception was permitted. But Abu
Hanifa says that the exception is not allowed unless it is simultaneous with
the oath.' Abu Hanifa said, 'Amir al-Mu'minin, ar-Rabi' claims that you
have no allegiance from your army.' 'How is that?' he asked. He said, 'They
swear to you and then return to their homes and make an exception, and so
their oaths are invalid.' Al-Mansur laughed and said, 'Rabi', do not start with
Abu Hanifa!' When he left, ar-Rabi' said, 'You wanted to spill my blood!'
'No,' he replied, 'you wanted to spill mine, and I saved you and saved
myself.""
Al-Khatib also said, "Abu'l-'Abbas at-Tusi had a bad opinion of Abu Hanifa
and Abu Hanifa was aware of it. Abu Hanifa went to al-Mansur at a time
when there were a lot of people present. AtTusi said, 'Today I will finish
with Abu Hanifa.' So he came to him and said 'Abu Hanifa, the Amir al-
Mu'minin commands one of us to strike off the head of another man without
knowing who it is. Is he permitted to do that?' 'Abu'l-'Abbas,' the Imam
replied, 'does the Amir al-Mu'minin command what is right or falsehood?'
'What is right,' he replied. Abu Hanifa said, 'Carry out the right wherever it
is and you will not be questioned about it.' Then Abu Hanifa said to those
near him, 'This one wanted to bind me so I tied him up.""