النص المفهرس

Introduction
(1332/1914-1420/1999), affectionately known as 'Alī Miyan, was a leading
intellectual and religious scholar of contemporary India. He wrote numer-
ous books on history, biography, and contemporary affairs concerning both
the Muslim community in India and Muslims abroad. Scion of an illustrious
family, which produced many scholars and spiritual personalities, such as
Shah Alamullah Naqshbandī and Sayyid Ahmad Shahīd, Shaykh Nadwī was
the son of Hakim Sayyid 'Abd al-Hayy, an eminent scholar of his time who
authored an eight-volume encyclopedic work called Nuzhat al-Khawatir,
which comprised five thousand or so biographical entries on Muslim jurists,
mystics, scholars, and theologians of the Subcontinent.
Shaykh Nadwi's teachers included Allama Haydar Hasan Khan Tonki and
Shaykh al-Islam Husayn Ahmad Madanī in hadīth, Allāma Ahmad 'Alī Lāhorī
in Qur'ānic exegesis, Mawlānā I'zāz 'Alī and Muftī Shiblī Jayrājpūrī A'zamī
in jurisprudence, Qārī Asghar 'Alī in Qur'ānic recitation, 'Allāma Sayyid
Sulayman Nadwī in Greek philosophy, and Shaykh Taqi al-Din al-Hilalī
al-Marrākishī in Arabic literature. He studied classical Urdu literature, as
well as mastering English in order to keep abreast of contemporary thought
and access English sources of history and philosophy. He used this skill with
language in his literary works as well as in his travels to Europe and America.
He served as rector of the Nadwat al-'Ulama' seminary in Lucknow for a
number of years, where he also taught Qur'anic exegesis, hadith, and Arabic
literature, along with history and logic. Apart from his long association with
Nadwa (as student, teacher and rector), he served on the advisory com-
mittee of Dar al-'Ulum Deoband, chaired the managing committee of Dār
al-Musannifin, Azamgarh, and established the Academy of Islamic Research
and Publications at Lucknow. He was invited by numerous organizations and
universities for curriculum development or to deliver seminars or serve as a
visiting professor. He made multiple visits to Aligarh University, Jamia Millia
in Delhi, Faculty of Shari'a at Damascus University, Madina University, King
Saud University in Riyadh, and the Universal League of Islamic Literature
in Turkey.
He was a founding member of Rabitat al-Adab al-Islamī al-Ālamiyya
(Universal League of Islamic Literature) in 1984 and was elected chairman of
the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board in 1985, a position he held until his
death. He was elected member of the Arabic Language Institute of Damascus
in 1956 and the Founding Committee of the Muslim World League in 1961.
A prolific writer, he penned a literary legacy of a few hundred works in
both Arabic and Urdu. His works have been integrated into the curriculum
21

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
in a number of universities in the Arab world. His most notable Arabic work,
Mā-dhā Khasir al-Alam bi 'nhițāt al-Muslimīn (What Did the World Lose by
the Decline of the Muslims?), was widely acclaimed and carved a place for
him in elite literary circles of the Arab world. Many of his works have since
been translated into Arabic, English, Turkish, Bahasa Indonesia, Persian,
and Tamil, among other languages. Kārwan-i Zindagi, his eight-volume
autobiography; Purānē Chiragh (Ancient Lamps), comprising life sketches
of contemporary personalities; his biographies of Sayyid Ahmad Shahid and
Caliph 'Alī (may Allah ennoble his countenance); and his Tarikh-i Da wat
wa 'Azīmat (Saviours of Islamic Spirit) are seen as permanent contributions
to Urdu literature.
In his propagation work, he particularly benefited from the great mis-
sionary and founder of the Tabligh Jamāt, Mawlānā Ilyās Kandhlawī. He
also benefitted from the sufi master Mawlanā Abd al-Qadir Raipūrī, from
whom he received his spiritual training, until he became the most senior of
his authorized students and held a place very dear to him.
During his second hajj in 1951-52, Sayyid Shaybi, the key-bearer of the
Ka'ba, invited him into the House of Allah and permitted him to take inside
whomever he chose.
Among the awards he received was the King Faisal International Award for
services to Islam in 1980. He was granted an honorary doctorate in literature
by Kashmir University in 1981. A literary gathering to pay tribute to him was
held in Istanbul in 1996 during the Fourth Conference of the World League
of Islamic Literature. He was given the "Islamic Personality of 1998" award
by Dubai in Ramadan 1419/1998. In the same year, the International Sultan
Hasan Bolkiah Prize on the theme "Biographies of Islamic Thinkers" was
conferred on him by the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies. He also received
the Sultan of Brunei Award in Islamic History.
These awards and honors did not distract the shaykh from a lifetime of
self-discipline, nor did the fame and wealth they brought corrupt him. He
donated all the money to masjids, institutes of Islamic learning, and other
charitable causes. Shaykh Yusuf al-Qaradawi writes, "Not a single cent from
these prizes stayed in his pocket. Instead, he spent them all for the cause of
Allah Most High."
For me personally, there are certain things that stand out in particular
about Shaykh Nadwi. There are many prolific writers who have left behind a
large literary legacy. However, there are few whose books are studied regularly
by thousands. I recall that for the first four years of our 'alimiyya studies, his
22

Introduction
books formed a core part of the curriculum. In the first two years, his Arabic
reader series, Qisa al-Nabiyyîn, was taught, and in the third and fourth years,
his literature anthology, the Mukhtarāt,1 was studied. Thousands of students
in training around the world study these books, as well as another series by
him called Al-Qira'a al-Rashida. These books have scarcely been outdone
as textbooks for foreign students of Arabic. This is without doubt a sign of
divine acceptance which few writers enjoy.
It was also the example of Mawlana Nadwi that one of my teachers at
Dār al- Ulum Falah-i Dārayn in Tadkeshwar, Gujarat, India, put forward
as he encouraged me take up writing. Mawlānā Iqbal Dewlawī, a teacher
of Arabic literature, and then principal of the seminary, would sometimes
meet me in the beautifully landscaped pathways of the seminary, and would
stop to speak to me. Students were generally frightened of him, as he had a
reputation for strictness. But for some reason, he had taken a liking to me. He
encouraged me to write, saying that Shaykh Nadwi, regardless of where he
happened to be, whether at home or travelling, would spend a few hours each
day putting pen to paper, and that I should adopt the same routine. It may
have been his foresight and prayers that paid off for me, as I starting writing
my commentary on Shaykh 'Āshiq Ilahi's Zad al-Țālibin hadith collection2
a year later after transferring to Darul Uloom Bury in the UK. May Allah
bless him abundantly and grant him a goodly reward for his encouragement.
Several years later, in 1999, while I was back in India for the mufti training
course at Saharanpur, we heard that Shaykh Nadwi's health was deteriorat-
ing. I decided to take the nine-hour train ride from Saharanpur to Lucknow
in Eastern UP to visit him and acquire his authorization in hadith. It was a
busy time, and it was difficult to book a sleeper in the overnight train from
Saharanpur, and I only had two days to return before classes resumed. I was
advised to board one of the overnight trains with a general ticket and then
speak to the ticket master in order to upgrade it to a sleeper for an additional
charge. Following this advice, I set off with my wife and son Huzayfah, who
was just over a year old at the time. The ticket master was only able to secure
one berth for us. I placed my wife and son on it and laid a sheet on the floor
for myself in between the six berths in the compartment. This is something I
1 Qisas al-Nabiyyîn is a five-volume collection of stories of the prophets, arranged in increas-
ing difficulty of language, to help students read and practice Arabic. Mukhtarāt min Adab al-Arab
is a two-volume anthology of some of the great selections of Arabic literature from its greatest
literary masters.
2 Published as, Provisions for the Seekers, White Thread Press, 2005.
23
1

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
could probably never do again, but at the time, despite the constraints, it did
not prove difficult due to the longing I had to meet the shaykh. If a person
has a similar longing for Allah, life in this world becomes easy to navigate
and its hurdles easier to overcome. May Allah grant us the gift of His friend-
ship and love.
When we reached Lucknow, I stayed at the men's guesthouse, while my
wife and son stayed at the residence of Mawlānā Abd al-Azīz Bhatkalī, a
teacher at the seminary, whose family graciously hosted her. Shaykh Nadwī
was informed of my arrival and of my request to acquire his hadith trans-
mission. He gave me an appointment to come the following morning at 10
am. The same evening after 'asr, he sat outside with some other scholars for
an informal discussion. I recall them discussing his book, mentioned earlier,
Mā-dhā Khasir al-'Ālam. After spending the night in anticipation, I was
taken the next morning to an adjacent building, where I found the shaykh
sitting on a bed in the middle of a large room deeply engrossed in his daily
remembrance. I sat and waited while he continued with his litany well past
10 am. When someone went to remind him, he gestured that he be given
more time. I could see that he was fully absorbed in his remembrance and
I felt guilty that perhaps I was disturbing his intimate connection with the
Divine. I desired that one day I too be bestowed with the same enjoyment in
my remembrance. The scene has been permanently etched in my heart and
mind ever since. Eventually, he invited me into the room and asked where
I had studied and what I was currently doing. Satisfied with my responses,
he asked me to read from a paper that had on it the opening narrations of
the nine main books of hadith. After reading them to him he granted me
his authorization. I thanked him and departed. I realized a few months later
when the news of his death reached me how fortunate I had been to visit him
and receive his authorization when I did. All praise is to Allāh.
This monumental scholar passed away at the age of eighty-six on Friday
22 Ramadan 1420. He awoke at 9 am, completed his daily litany, recited Sūra
Yasin thirteen or fourteen times, as was his habit, and supplicated for certain
people by name. He took a bath after 11 am, changed his clothes, and prepared
himself for the Friday prayer. He asked for a copy of the Qur'an to recite
Sūrat al-Kahf. While waiting, he began to recite Yasin again from memory.
He had not yet completed the recitation when his soul departed to its Lord.
The time was 11:50 am just before the Friday prayer. It was 31 December 1999,
the last day of the second Gregorian millennium.
His nephew Shaykh Muhammad Rabi“ al-Hasanī Nadwī led the funeral
24

Introduction
prayer at 10:15 pm that night, now the 23rd night of Ramadan, in a congrega-
tion whose size was estimated at 200,000. People came from far and wide.
He was laid to rest in his family graveyard.
In recent years, there has probably been no other Islamic personality
whose funeral prayer has been performed in such large numbers around the
world, and fewer still whose funeral prayer has been performed in absen-
tia in the two Holy Sanctuaries. During the blessed night of 27 Ramadan,
2,700,000 worshippers performed funeral prayer for him in absentia in
the Holy Mosque in Makka Mukarrama, and 1,500,000 worshippers in the
Prophet's Mosque in Madina Munawwara. A group of leading scholars at
Azhar University in Cairo issued a communiqué about him on 29 Ramadan
praising him as a reviver of Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, the founder
of an Islamic awakening with a balanced approach, and the foremost Islamic
scholar from among the scholars of Islam in the sight of God.
This universal acclaim is by no means ordinary. It is enjoyed by the few
divinely chosen friends of Allah who have led scrupulous lives. The shaykh
himself used to say, "My mother's entire focus was on keeping even the
doubtful from entering my stomach during my childhood." The fruits of
this were now being harvested.
Shaykh Nadwī was a man who personified the Islamic values he so fer-
vently wrote about. He was soft-spoken, cultured and courteous, yet bold,
confident, and eloquent in proclaiming the truth. Balance, humility, modesty,
patience, moderation, and tolerance marked his personality. He was neither
politician, nor publicist. He was a man of religion. A scholar of God. A spiri-
tual sage. A modern dervish. One who combined in himself the highest values
of the shari'a (sacred law) and the tariqa (spiritual path), commanded respect
for his transparent sincerity, his simple living, and his selfless devotion to the
common cause of the Muslim community, as well as humanity at large. He
was a man who lived for Allah alone and who wanted nothing but good for
all. There was no doubt that he had followed closely in the footsteps of the
very saviours about whom he so adoringly wrote. His passing created a void
seemingly impossible to fill. May his soul rest in eternal peace.
THE TRANSLATION: Muhiuddin Ahmad's English translation was produced in
1971 from the 1955 Urdu original. By 1986, the English translation had already
been published four times and has since been republished multiple times,
25

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
inspiring countless people over the decades.1 However, the somewhat archaic
English has made it difficult for readers of a new generation to appreciate.
The choice of words and expressions can read awkwardly today and dilute
the timeless message of the book.
After securing permission from the publisher, our work on a revised
English edition commenced about a decade ago. However, due to many other
projects and unforeseen circumstances, it has taken years for us to complete
this revision. Other than modernizing the language, I have tried to revise
many of its sections. Upon comparison with the original, I found that in
numerous places the translator had paraphrased and sometimes even sum-
marized the author's words, often losing important nuances carried in the
original text. The translator states in the preface that the author approved
his translation after reading it. However, there are also other errors that have
found their way into the work, most likely due to the translator's misunder-
standing of certain names, dates, or other such details quoted in the original.
In a few cases, some names had been inaccurately rendered in the original.
Overall, for the time it was written, the translation was lucid and effective in
conveying the essence without omitting anything significant.
Therefore, my own contribution has been to revise and reinstate much of
the omitted detail, bringing it back in line with the original. I hope I have
succeeded to some extent and pray that it is something the author would have
approved of himself. The text has been fully edited to reflect a more current
English usage. In this regard, I would like to express my gratitude to Brooke
Santos, Saad Ansari, and Amir Toft, each of whom labored intensively with
their editing skills to provide modern equivalents to the outdated language.
Time constraints have unfortunately forced us to make the difficult deci-
sion of leaving out the author's lengthy narrative of the great sage Jalal al-Din
Rūmī from this volume. This may be included in a future edition of this vol-
ume or in an edition of the remaining volumes of the author's original work.
For the Urdu original, we used the fourth Karachi Majlis Nashriyat-i
Islam edition and the 1986 Lucknow Academy of Islamic Research edition
for the English. To facilitate a better historical perspective, all dates have been
provided in both the Gregorian and Hijri equivalents. We have tried to verify
all quoted material from its original source. Although most notes are from
either the author or translator, a number have been added. All place names
with known English forms have been given as such, while more obscure ones
1 Along with ten editions of the Arabic translation, and two in both Persian and Turkish.
26

Introduction
are transliterated in from their Arabic forms. Sometimes it was difficult to
decide on using the old name in place of the modern name, so both have
been given in the first instance. The citations and the bibliography have been
updated to correspond with modern publishing style. Most works the author
consulted were out-of-print editions from the early twentieth century, which
have been left as they are. Where a source is omitted from the bibliography,
we include a recent edition with date and mark it with a star symbol (*). In
very few cases, paragraphs have been rearranged for better flow. All translit-
eration has been adjusted according to the White Thread Press house style
unless it is a direct quote from an English source. Qur'anic references have
been added inline in brackets. Finally, a fresh index has been prepared for
this edition with the help of my daughter.
I pray that Allah make this work a source of guidance in these times and
beyond. May He accept it from the author and all those who have worked
on it and make it a source of salvation for us in the Hereafter.
ABDUR-RAHMAN IBN YUSUF MANGERA
Sha ban 1436 | May 2015
London
27

Preface
A STUDY CIRCLE, FORMED under the name of Jama at-i Da wat wa Tabligh,
organized a series of lectures at Lucknow in Muharram 1372/1952 on cer-
tain topics of concern to its members and others interested in academic
and cultural advancement. The topic allotted to me for discourse was "The
History of Religious Preaching and the Revivalist Movement." The discourse
continued throughout the week. I had then jotted down some points as an
aide-mémoire for delivering these lectures, but some of the listeners took
down notes which were later presented to me for the purpose of publica-
tion. I then realized that the subject required a detailed treatment, as, in
my limited knowledge, no exhaustive and complete dissertation existed on
this important topic within the discipline of Islamic history. It represented
a serious gap in Islamic literature that had to be filled. The absence of any
work on this subject has produced the misconception, even in enlightened
circles, that attempts for renovation and renaissance of the Muslim peoples
were made from time to time, but that no continuous attempt at rejuvenating
the Umma could be found in the annals of Islamic history. It is assumed that
there are long gaps that span centuries after which a towering personality or
two may be found who possessed a striking capacity to struggle against the
order of the day. Otherwise what you find are average people who do not
rise above the decadence of the times, not people of high caliber who have
any intellectual or academic contribution to their credit. Hence, it is assumed
that only seven or eight outstanding personalities have been an exception to
the barren and unproductive era of Islamic intellectual history.
This notion may not appear to be particularly remarkable, but its conse-
quences are far-reaching. It produces a sense of despondency and a sicken-
ing atmosphere. It dashes all hope in the innate vitality of Islam, which has
always produced such men of redoubtable courage and conviction as can
29

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
hardly be found among other peoples. There are absolutely no grounds, at
least not on this score, for such feelings of inferiority and despondency about
the history of Islam.
These feelings, however, are not without traceable cause. We find in the
vast treasure of Islamic literature either chronicles of events with kings and
emperors as protagonists or biographical accounts of a certain few eminent
luminaries. But we find almost no continuous account of the revivalist
movements or intellectual history of the Muslim peoples encompassing the
varied achievements of all those sages who have left an indelible mark on
the world of Islam. These scholars relentlessly fought against the forces of
corruption, defended Islamic precepts and teachings, and rejuvenated the
spirit of Islamic revival, in addition to making valuable contributions to the
intellectual and academic treasures of their people. There is in fact no gap at
all in the intellectual history of Muslim peoples, but only in the presentation
and arrangement of this; this gap needs urgently to be filled in. A history
of religious revival and preaching in Islam would also be an account of the
intellectual and academic movements that have seen successive ebbs and
flows, going dormant for a while before awakening anew.
However, when taking up the task, one realized that an article or a small
treatise will not do justice to the subject. The subject requires a large volume.
It would be necessary to wade through the historical literature again in detail
along with the available works on biography, heresiography, and arts and
sciences, and to reevaluate them for this task and present the material in
an appropriate arrangement. A cursory review does not suffice. The leisure
required for undertaking a task of this magnitude has never been available
to me, but as the crying need for such a volume impelled me to take up the
work, my disposition prevented me from writing these pages with just a
superficial survey of the available material.
It should be made clear that my purpose is neither to explain what is
meant by revival (tajdīd) nor to name the outstanding personalities who
are commonly known as revivalists (mujaddidīn). My aim is to present an
account of the continuous effort made during the past thirteen hundred
years to stimulate a spirit of reawakening among Muslims, and to bring to
light those eminent people who rose to the defense of Islam in order to repel
the assault of evil forces, who gave birth to various movements for uphold-
ing Islamic morals and values, and, finally, whose efforts made it possible
for Islam to survive to this day. I mention several persons in this work who
cannot perhaps be called mujaddids, but who worked for the renovation
30

Preface
and regeneration of Islamic faith and practice, and to whom the subsequent
generations of Muslims are ever indebted.
In writing this and subsequent volumes the following points have been
kept in view:
1. For presenting the viewpoint of any particular person or a movement
started by him, his own writings or sayings have been relied upon. Only if
these have been found inadequate has help been taken from the writings left
by his friends, contemporaries, and pupils. Thereafter, the most reliable and
authentic of the later sources have been given preference without placing
undue reliance on sources from any particular century or language. Useful
material has been taken wherever it could be found, and cited accordingly.
2. In portraying the biographical sketches and character of the per-
sonalities mentioned, light has been shed on the intellectual, cultural, and
academic temperament of the time, in order to make a correct assessment
of the achievement of the personage concerned in its true perspective. It is
necessary to cast a glance on the prevailing situation before a place can be
assigned to any individual in history. Assessment of any character stripped
of its own context of time and place, and instead according to modern values
alone, might have the appearance of critical study, but there can hardly be
anything more unjust to the personage so evaluated. The success or failure
of any individual of the past can only be judged against the background of
the conditions under which he strove for a cause; otherwise, the greatest and
most eminent person can be seen as a complete failure in light of changed
circumstances or according to the biases and predilections of later historians.
In fact, no historical figure, Islamic or otherwise, can claim lasting recognition
if viewed from such an angle.
3. Presentation of a few short and sketchy extracts from the writings
of any author or thinker hardly does any justice to them; for the thought,
intellect, message, and call of the individual cannot be gauged from a few
isolated passages, nor can the reader build any intimacy or familiarity with
him. Accordingly, somewhat lengthy extracts from the writings of impor-
tant writers, reformers, and thinkers are frequently presented. You may then
yourself be in a position to feel the impact of their message and make your
own estimation of each figure. I have spent considerable time going through
the writings of these masters to gain a sense of the tenor and spirit of their
call. During the days of introducing and describing their lives, I have tried
to immerse my self constantly in an environment of reflection about them to
allow their effects and states to permeate me, as would have been experienced
31

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
by their companions and contemporaries. Consequently, the reader can easily
discern from these pages my own heartfelt attitude toward these beacons of
moral and spiritual guidance, and may also notice small influences of their
language on the style of my own composition. If this is to be taken as a point
of weakness in this work and come under fire from critics who hold that
the historian should be dryly objective and without heart, then I confess my
weakness but nevertheless feel no need to offer any apology.
4. I have not simply given extracts from the works of these masters but
also tried to shed light on the priceless qualities of their minds and hearts,
their endeavors to cultivate a living, all-pervading consciousness of the
Almighty, as well as their moral excellence. The combination of the academic
attainments with a burning desire to worship Allah and earn His pleasure
is the mark and symbol of these teachers of yore. This is what has played a
major part in their success and divine acceptance. Without its mention their
description would be incomplete. Furthermore, it will be an unspoken yet,
I believe, rightful desire of many readers of this work-and consequently
one that I have tried subtly to facilitate in its pages-to experience some
illumination of spirit and heart in addition to simply gaining acquaintance
with men of the past.
5. The biographical sketches in these pages are not limited to a presenta-
tion of their achievements alone. Wherever contemporaries or subsequent
writers have criticized their ideas or writings, a representative portion of such
critiques has been presented. If an answer to such criticisms has been given
or a defense put up, this too has been included. However, statements deemed
too superficial, intemperate, or overly detractive have not been included.
This is the first volume of this series. I originally had a mind to include
the achievements of Ibn Taymiyya in this volume as well, and thus finish it
with an account of the first eight centuries after the Hijra. But the biography
of Ibn Taymiyya, due to the importance of his time and his extensive efforts,
ran very long, and it had to be accommodated in a separate volume, which
is the second part of this series. The third and most probably the fourth
parts of the series will be devoted to the callers and resolute personalities of
India, who have been a fount for calling to religion and renovation of Islamic
thought in the recent centuries.
Lastly, I have no hesitation in acknowledging that the leisure, peace of
mind, in-depth and extensive study, and knowledge of multifarious sciences
required for undertaking a task of this magnitude have barely been available
to me. Nevertheless, whatever was possible to do in that time and state is now
32

Preface
before the reader. Even this, such as it is, could not have been accomplished
without the help and guidance from Allah Almighty. There is no help save
from Allah alone (Q 3:126).
ABŪ'L-HASAN ALI NADWĪ
4 Rabi' al-Awwal 1374
[10 October 1954]
Dã'ira Shah Alamullah
Rae Bareli
33

CHAPTER 1
'Umar ibn Abd al-Azīz
Revival Efforts of the First Century
Almost immediately after the Rightly-Guided Caliphate ended, there was an
intense need for revival and renewal in Islam. This was the era of the Umayyad
Empire, which was more Arab than Islamic in character. The customs and
memories of the pagan past which had been discredited and diminished
under the impact of the teachings of the Prophet @ and the vigilant eye
of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs, gradually began to reassert themselves
among the new Arab converts to Islam. The present government no longer
functioned according to the principles of the Qur'an and Sunna, but were
guided rather by Arab tribesmanship, expediency, and state interest. Racial
pride, tribal favoritism, and partisanship, once regarded as reprehensible
traits during the Rightly-Guided Caliphate, were now hallmarks of the
new rulership. Extravagance, arrogance, and ostentation replaced virtuous
deeds and moral excellence." The caliphs considered the state treasury their
personal property and wasted their people's money on court poets, eulo-
gists, jugglers, and clowns. The courtiers of the rulers received preferential
treatment, emboldening them to transgress the laws of the land.2 Music and
singing grew into a craze.
1 Abu'l-Faraj al-Ișbahanī illustrates this in his book Kitab al-Aghani, in which he relates how
two Arab chiefs of the Umayyad period, Hawshab and 'Ikrima, vied to outdo each other over the
quantity of food they required to feed their households and guests. When it seemed that Hawshab
was likely to win in the contest, 'Ikrima bought several hundred bags of flour, distributed it among
his tribesmen for kneading. He asked them to pile up the dough in a pit, which was covered with
grass. Then he managed to get Hawshab's horse pass over the pit. When the poor beast fell into the
pit, only its neck and head were visible above the dough. 'Ikrima's fame soon spread far and wide
because of the quantity of flour required to feed his tribe, and many poets sang of his greatness
(Işbahānī, Rannāt al-Mathālith, 1:139-140).
2 On one occasion, the famous Christian poet Akhtal (d. 59/701) came into the court of Caliph
35

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
The extravagant rulers, surrounded by corrupt leeches who flocked to
the capital, demoralized society and produced an aristocracy resembling the
pagan Arab hedonists of the Age of Ignorance.1 It appeared as if pre-Islamic
ignorance had returned with a vengeance to settle its account with the previ-
ous forty years of Islamic civilization.
Religious Teachers of the Umayyad Period
Although crass materialism had captured the soul of the Umayyad ruling
elite, the common people had not forsaken their moral values and their deep
reverence for the teachings of Islam. This was thanks mainly to a group of
unimpeachable scholars held in high esteem for their moral and spiritual
excellence, selflessness, piety, wisdom, and charity. Outside the circle of the
Umayyad government, these scholars exerted a tremendous corrective influ-
ence on the people and saved the general society from falling prey to the
allure of worldly temptations. The person most respected and loved during
this period was 'Ali ibn al-Husayn (Zayn al-'Abidin). In the simple, pure, and
righteous manner in which he lived his life, 'Ali ibn al-Husayn had no peer.
On one occasion, the crown prince Hisham ibn 'Abd al-Malik came to
the Ka'ba to perform circumambulation (tawaf), but he was held back by the
gathering of a huge crowd. He decided to sit down and wait for an oppor-
tunity to kiss the Black Stone. In the meantime, 'Ali ibn al-Husayn arrived
at the Ka'ba and the people immediately cleared the way for him to make
his way around the Ka'ba and kiss the Black Stone. Everyone present at the
Ka'ba treated 'Ali ibn al-Husayn with the utmost respect. Finally, Hisham,
pretending not to know 'Ali ibn al-Husayn, asked who he was. The poet
Farazdaq, who happened to be present on the occasion, instantly composed
an ode introducing 'Ali ibn al-Husayn. It is reported that certain additions
were made to this famous ode later on, but it is still regarded as a masterpiece
of Arabic poetry. It opens with the following verse:
Pebbles and paths of Makka affirm his virtue;
The House of Allah knows him well as the environs do.2
Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan stone drunk, wine dripping from his beard and a cross hung over his chest,
but not one person had the courage to complain against him (Ibahanī, Kitab al-Aghani, 7:177-178).
1 A famous singer of Iraq named Hunayn once visited Madina along with his party. Such
a large crowd gathered to hear his performance that the roof of the house in which he was sing-
ing collapsed. Hunayn himself died from injuries he sustained in the accident (Ibid., 2:122-123).
2 For a detailed description, see Dhahabī, Tadhkirat al-Huffāz, 1:46, 53, 77, 84; Ibn al-Jawzī,
Şifat al-Şafwa, 2:44, 47, 49, 50.
36

'Umar ibn Abd al-'Azīz
Other highly regarded religious scholars of outstanding piety during the
Umayyad period included Hasan al-Muthannā, his son 'Abdullah al-Mand,
Sālim ibn 'Abdillāh ibn 'Umar, Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Abī Bakr, Sa'īd
ibn al-Musayyab, and 'Urwa ibn al-Zubayr. They distinguished themselves
as models of Islamic piety with their complete detachment from the rulers,
their immaculate selflessness, their unswerving truthfulness and scholarly
acumen, and their readiness to serve and make any sacrifice for their religion.
The moral degradation that sprung from the depraved conduct of the rul-
ing class was on the rise, but the opposing positive influence of these great
individuals on the broader society still yielded positive effect. Their pure and
simple lifestyle was a living admonishment to the unrestrained worldliness
of the rulers, encouraging people to reform their intemperate lives.
Political Revolution
The corruption of political leaders gradually deepened and spread.
Simultaneously, religious teachers who could lead the people towards good-
ness as in the earlier period significantly decreased. Now it actually became
impossible to morally revitalize society without a transformation from
within the caliphate itself. The Umayyad dynasty, however, was militarily
entrenched, rendering their expulsion impossible. Consequently, no internal
or external force would dare challenge it. Two efforts by Husayn ibn Alī and
'Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr , to overthrow the Umayyads had already proved
unsuccessful, and one could hardly expect another armed rebellion to bring
about a political reform. The autocratic, hereditary form of government
produced a sense of despair that left no hope of any change in the condition
of the Islamic state. It appeared as if the fate of Muslims had been sealed for
ages to come. Apparently, it would take nothing short of a miracle to reform
the empire so that the guiding light of Islam once would again become the
basis directing the community's behavior. Fortunately, a miracle did happen.
Accession of 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz
This miracle was the accession of 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Aziz to the throne in
99/717. Through his father he was a grandson of Marwan. For her part, his
mother, Umm 'Asim, was a granddaughter of the second caliph of Islam,
'Umar ibn al-Khattab al-Faruq >.1 The Umayyad and Faruqi families were
1 Once, while wandering about at night to inquire into the condition of the people, Caliph
'Umar ibn al-Khattab & heard a woman instructing her daughter to mix water into the milk before
37

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
thus jointly represented in 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Aziz, later known as the "Pious
Caliph" who brought about the direly needed revolution.
'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz was born in 61/681. He was a cousin of the preced-
ing caliph, Sulayman ibn 'Abd al-Malik, and had been posted as governor
of Madina since the time of Walid ibn 'Abd al-Malik, Sulayman's predeces-
sor. The life he led as governor was entirely different from the one he was
to adopt as caliph. He was known as a polished and decorous aristocrat of
refined taste. Anybody could tell from the scent of fragrances he would wear
that 'Umar had not long since passed that way. He was all the rage for the
fashionable young men of his day. Except for his integrity of character and
righteous disposition, there was nothing to suggest that he was destined to
serve a memorable role in the history of Islam. But he would prove to be a
standing miracle for that history.
The very way he ascended to the caliphate was miraculous, for nobody
could have predicted the dramatic turn of events that would bring him to the
throne. Under the custom of hereditary succession, he had little hope of ever
becoming much more than a viceroy, let alone caliph. But Allah Almighty
had willed otherwise. Sulayman ibn 'Abd al-Malik became so ill that he finally
lost hope of recovery. He called for his sons, desperately wanting to leave
his title to one of them, but they were all much too young. In desperation,
Sulayman dressed each of them in longer garments, large uniforms, and
suits of armor to make them appear older, but to no avail. Finally, resigning
himself to defeat, he sighed, "He is really fortunate who has adult sons." Rajā'
ibn Haywa, one of the caliphs's advisors, happened to be present and sug-
gested Sulayman's cousin 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Aziz as a good choice to succeed
the caliph. Sulayman saw the wisdom of choosing 'Umar as a successor and
unknowingly opened the way for the first major period of Islamic revival
since the time of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs.
daybreak. The girl refused and reminded her mother of the order given by Caliph 'Umar that nobody
should adulterate milk by mixing water into it. When the mother responded in annoyance that
the caliph was not present and he would never know about it, the daughter replied that Allah is
All-Knowing, even if the caliph is not present. 'Umar « was so pleased with the daughter's reply
that he asked his son 'Asim to marry her, and expressed a hope that she would give birth to a man
who would rule over Arabia. 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz was the son of the daughter of 'Asim by that
girl (Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Sīra 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Azīz, 17-18).
38

'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz
Character of 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azīz
As stated earlier, the life 'Umar led before was entirely different from his life as
caliph. Except for his integrity and righteous disposition, there was nothing
about him to suggest that he was destined to perform anything remarkable
for the history of Islam. Ascension to the caliphate, however, completely
changed him, as he saw himself as a successor of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab rather
than a successor of Sulayman ibn 'Abd al-Malik.
Of 'Umar's first acts as caliph were to immediately dismiss all the pro-
vincial governors who were known to be cruel, oppressive, or unjust to their
people, to set free the slaves in the royal household, and to deposit into the
state treasury (bayt al-mal) all the jewels and valuable goods that he received
as gifts when he became caliph. He returned to the state not only his ances-
tral estate but also the valuables and jewelry his wife had received from her
father and brothers.
Before his time, the court of the caliphate had been modeled after the
royal courts of the Persian and Byzantine empires, the most powerful and
extravagant of the day. In contrast, the court of 'Umar more closely resembled
that of Allah's Messenger
and his earliest Companions and Successors.
Indeed, his court became well known not for its lavishness, but for its stark
simplicity. He led a simple and ascetic life difficult to find among dervishes
and monks, let alone kings and emperors. On several occasions he was even
late for Friday prayers because he had to wait for the only shirt he owned to
dry after it had been washed.
Before 'Umar ascended the throne, the caliphs used to regard the public
treasury as their own personal property to do with as they pleased, and their
extended families often enjoyed enormous stipends. They now only received
what was their due. 'Umar refused to use even a single dirham of the state's
money. One day, when he was talking to his daughters, he noticed that the
children cupped their mouths when they spoke. When he asked about it, he
learned that the only foods available in the house that day were onions and
lentils, so the children resorted to covering their mouths with their hands
so the smell of their breath would not offend their father. With tears in his
eyes, 'Umar said to them, "My children, would you like to enjoy a variety of
sumptuous foods and have your father consigned to Hellfire?" Upon hearing
this, they also burst into tears.1
He was the ruler of the mightiest empire of his day but despite his desire
1 Sīra 'Umar ibn Abd al-Azīz, 55.
39

SAVIOURS OF ISLAMIC SPIRIT
to perform the hajj (pilgrimage), did not have enough money for it. Once,
he asked his servant if he had saved anything so that he could go for the hajj.
The servant informed him that he had only ten or twelve dinars, not nearly
enough to undertake the journey. After a few days, 'Umar received a certain
sum from his personal holdings. The servant congratulated 'Umar, as he now
had enough money for the hajj. 'Umar replied, "We have derived benefit from
these holdings for a long time. Now, Muslims have a right to enjoy their fruits."
Then he brought the entire amount and deposited it in the public treasury.
'Umar never spent more than two dirhams on his meals. If any official
came to see him and began private conversation, he would promptly put out
the candle provided by the state and ask for his own candle to be brought in.
He would never use hot water taken from the state cafeteria or even inhale
the fragrance of musk belonging to the public treasury.1
'Umar wasn't scrupulous in his own person alone, he also demanded
that government officials be extremely conscientious with their use of state
property. Abū Bakr ibn Hazm, the governor of Madina, once submitted a
request to former caliph Sulayman ibn 'Abd al-Malik, asking for candlesticks
and lamp glass to perform official work after dark. By the time the request
reached the capital, Sulayman had died and the request was placed before
'Umar. He responded to it by writing, "O Abu Bakr, I remember the days
when you wandered during the dark nights of winter without candlesticks
and light. And were you in a better condition then than now? I hope that you
now have enough candlesticks to spare a few for conducting the business of
the state."> On another occasion he received a similar request for a supply of
paper for official work. He replied, "Make the point of your pen finer, write
closely and concisely; for Muslims do not require such detailed reports that
are unnecessarily a burden on the state treasury."3
Extreme scrupulousness, moderation, simplicity, and unwavering piety
were not the only features of 'Umar's court. He completely transformed the
government's trajectory, making the needs of the people a key focus. Before
'Umar's time, the state was mainly concerned with collecting money and
spending it, and did not bother itself with the moral guidance and religious
instruction of its people. 'Umar's philosophy about the role of the state can
be summed up in his famous saying, "Muhammad
was sent as a Prophet
1 Ibid., 44.
2 Ibid., 64.
3 Ibid.
40